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121.
Abstract Khadduri argues for a well‐designed voucher block grant, phased in over several years. But proposals under consideration are more likely to undermine the effectiveness of vouchers than address their limitations. The most important advantage of housing vouchers is that they give recipients the freedom to choose the kind of housing and the location that best meet their needs. Although the current program is not living up to its potential, strategies for making it work better can be implemented without a block grant. Supporters of block grants claim welfare reform as a model, but none of the factors that contributed to declining caseloads under Temporary Assistance to Needy Families apply to housing. The single biggest problem with the housing voucher program is that federal spending for affordable housing is woefully inadequate. Instead of addressing this issue, a block grant would make housing hardship a state rather than a federal problem. 相似文献
122.
Murillo Maria Victoria Ronconi Lucas 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2004,39(1):77-98
In a context of increasing teachers’ militancy in Argentina, this article provides the first empirical analysis of teachers’
strikes in all twenty-four Argentine provinces during the 1990s. Using a cross-provincial statistical analysis, it explains
the wide variation across provinces and across time of Argentine teachers’ strikes. It demonstrates that political alignments
between provincial governors and teachers’ unions explain these patterns better than organizational and institutional variables,
which strongly shape public-sector labor relations in other countries. We emphasize the discretion of provincial governors,
for both the application of labor regulations and budgetary appropriations in the politicization of provincial public-sector
labor relations in Argentina, especially after the decentralization of education resulted in the provincialization of teachers’
protests.
Maria Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. She was
previously an assistant professor at Yale University, a Peggy Rockefeller Fellow at the David Rockefeller Center for Latin
American Studies, and a Fellow at Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. She is the author ofLabor Unions, Partisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (Cambridge University Press 2001) and various articles on the politics of market reforms, labor protest, and privatization
of public utilities in Latin America.
the authors acknowledge the useful suggestions of the editor and three anonymous reviewers, and the comments of Ernesto Calvo,
Javier Corrales, Tulia Faletti, Miriam Golden, Frances Rosenbluth, Andrew Schrank, Kenneth Scheve, J. Samuel Valenzuela, James
Vreeland; and the participants in the Seminar on Globalization and Labor Struggle at Columbia University, the Latin American
Seminar of the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University, the seventh annual meeting of LACEA,
and the Business School seminar at Universidad Torcuato Di Tella. M. V. Murillo acknowledges the support of the Yale Center
for International and Area Studies and the Carnegie Program for the Study of Globalization, and L. Ronconi acknowledges the
support of the CEDI at the Universidad de San Andrés. 相似文献
123.
W. Lucas 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):53-72
Cold War historiography has been through several recognizable stages over the last five decades, and the increasing interest over the last few years in cultural themes has added an important extra dimension to this. Yet the focus on ‘culture’ has rarely gone beyond studies of government support for particular cultural events and programs. Rarely have historical studies attempted to address the issue that such political uses of culture were part of an overall ideological offensive in both the East and the West. Recognition that the foreign policy of the Soviet Union was ideologically-driven is one thing, but historians have generally avoided a similar posture regarding the United States. Yet without sufficient attention as to how the US government attempted to mobilize and utilize all areas of social activity for the greater good of confronting the Soviet Union, there can be no satisfactory understanding of what the Cold War really involved In addition, this ‘ideological impulse’ has not disappeared with the end of the Cold War, as the reaction of the United States to the events of 11 September 2001 has demonstrated. 相似文献
124.
Lucas Winter 《中东政策》2011,18(1):102-120
125.
Suely K. S. S. Porto M.S. Thiago Nogueira Ph.D. Lucas Blanes Ph.D. Philip Doble Ph.D. Bruno D. Sabino Ph.D. Claudimir L. do Lago Ph.D. Lúcio Angnes Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(6):1622-1626
A method for the identification of 3,4‐methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) and meta‐chlorophenylpiperazine (mCPP) was developed employing capillary electrophoresis (CE) with capacitively coupled contactless conductivity detection (C4D). Sample extraction, separation, and detection of “Ecstasy” tablets were performed in <10 min without sample derivatization. The separation electrolyte was 20 mm TAPS/Lithium, pH 8.7. Average minimal detectable amounts for MDMA and mCPP were 0.04 mg/tablet, several orders of magnitude lower than the minimum amount encountered in a tablet. Seven different Ecstasy tablets seized in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, were analyzed by CE‐C4D and compared against routine gas chromatography‐mass spectrometry (GC‐MS). The CE method demonstrated sufficient selectivity to discriminate the two target drugs, MDMA and mCPP, from the other drugs present in seizures, namely amphepramone, fenproporex, caffeine, lidocaine, and cocaine. Separation was performed in <90 sec. The advantages of using C4D instead of traditional CE‐UV methods for in‐field analysis are also discussed. 相似文献
126.
Researchers and policymakers alike have made the reduction of citizen alienation one of the important goals for decentralizing public services. Decentralization is thought to bring government closer to the public being served, and therefore to improve public attitudes toward government. No existing research fully tests this hypothesis. However, several national surveys provide sufficient data to examine the relationships between various types of citizen activity linked with decentralization and the two dimensions of political alienation, powerlessness/efficacy and distrust/trust. A review of these surveys reveals that decentralized activity, whether taking the form of citizen participation, citizen awareness of decentralized facilities, or service improvements, is consistently associated with people's sense of efficacy, but not to their sense of trust. The results thus suggest that decentralization may affect alienation in terms of reducing sense of powerlessness, but that it has no impact on people's trust in government. Decentralization of public services may therefore be one of many steps taken to reduce citizen alienation toward government, but it will not, contrary to expectations, significantly impact on alienation by itself. 相似文献
127.
Use of solid-phase microextraction (SPME) for the determination of methadone and EDDP in human hair by GC-MS 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Lucas AC Bermejo AM Tabernero MJ Fernández P Strano-Rossi S 《Forensic science international》2000,107(1-3):225-232
Solid-phase microextraction (SPME) is a new extraction technique with many advantages: small sample volume, simplicity, quickness and solvent-free. It is mainly applied to environmental analysis, but is also useful for the extraction of drugs from biological samples. In this paper the use of SPME is proposed for the determination of methadone and its main metabolite EDDP in hair by GC-MS. The hair samples were washed, cut into 1-mm segments, and incubated with Pronase E for 12 h. A 100-micron polydimethylsiloxane (PDMS) film fibre was submerged for 30 min in a diluted solution of the hydrolysis liquid (1:4 with borax buffer) containing methadone-d3 and EDDP-d3 as internal standards. Once the microextraction was concluded the fibre was directly inserted into the CG injection port. Linearity was found for methadone and EDDP in the range studied, 1.0-50 ng/mg hair, with correlation coefficients higher than 0.99. Interassay relative standard deviation (R.S.D) was determined to be less than 13.30% for methadone and less than 8.94% for EDDP, at 3.0 and 30.0 ng/mg. Analytical recoveries were close to 100% for both compounds on spiked samples. The method was applied to the analysis of real hair samples from eight patients of a methadone maintenance programme. The concentration of methadone in hair ranged from 2.45 to 78.10 ng/mg, and for EDDP from 0.98 to 7.76 ng/mg of hair. 相似文献
128.
Quintela O Bermejo AM Tabernero MJ Strano-Rossi S Chiarotti M Lucas AC 《Forensic science international》2000,107(1-3):273-279
The evaluation of drug abuse in a defined population was performed through toxicological hair analysis. Hair samples from university students ranging from 18 to 25 years of age were anonymously collected and screened for cocaine, amphetamines and cannabinoids by radioimmunoassay (RIA). Positive results (cut-off values adopted were 2 ng/mg for cocaine and amphetamines and 0.5 ng/mg for cannabinoids) were confirmed by GC/MS. Preliminary results showed 19% of positive results for cocaine on 200 samples analysed. No confirmed positive results were obtained for amphetamine analysis. RIA technique demonstrated its unsuitability for cannabinoids preliminary screening on hair, giving a high percent of false positive results. 相似文献
129.
130.
In many American states, public defense is provided at the county rather than state level (Langton & Farole 2009 ). Local governments have discretion over implementing and funding the right to counsel, resulting in considerable variability in programs and funding levels. Placing this issue in the theoretical context of redistributive policies and politics, we investigate decisions on funding this service across upstate New York counties. Using as a point of departure Paul Peterson's classic explication of community politics, we first model variation in funding as a function of counties' fiscal capacity, need for services, and costs of supplying legal representation. We also test Peterson's prediction that local political factors will play little if any role in budget decisions. Second, through interviews with program administrators we explore the characters of twelve defender programs in which expenditures departed from the model's predictions. We find that three factors—which we term “influence,” “infrastructure,” and “ideas"”—also vary directly with levels of funding. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for theoretical thinking about due process policies and local politics, and for policy debate over how best to ensure adequate counsel in criminal court. 相似文献