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141.
Many scientists of varying clinical backgrounds have described the phenomenon of spermaturia in animals, adolescents as well as fertile and infertile men. Nevertheless, research for an expert opinion on a law case in the field of forensic medicine revealed a lack of valid information about the longevity of spermatozoa in post-ejaculatory urine (PEU) of fertile men.Our goal was to measure the appearance of vivid sperm in PEU while considering the factor of time in order to predict a realistic interval, in which positive sperm findings might occur. Therefore ten healthy, young men donated their sperm for fertility analysis and a urine sample prior to and after ejaculation. The time intervals between ejaculation and the first micturition were preset ranging between 30 min and maximal 11 h. Each ejaculate underwent a semen analysis. The pre- and post-ejaculatory urine samples were screened for the presence of viable and motile spermatozoa. Semen parameters were determined and related to the sperm findings in the precipitate of the urine samples. The amount, the viability and motility status of the detected spermatozoa were recorded after each preset time interval.The results showed that none of the 10 participants had sperm in their urine samples prior to ejaculation. The average sperm concentration was 50.1 ± 25.8 million/ml. After a time span of 30 min 59.5% of the first fractions of PEU samples were sperm positive, after 2 and 4 h still 70%, and after 5 h sperm were no longer detected. The last motile spermatozoa could be found after 4.5 h. It seems that remaining sperm in the urethra are washed out with the first micturition in the majority of fertile men, however, the conclusion as to whether sperm findings >5 h after ejaculation are improbable needs to be confirmed by further investigations.  相似文献   
142.
Ideological dimensions and vote choice: Age group differences in Austria   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
How and how much are ideological dimensions associated with vote choice among different age groups? Distinct socialisation experiences and life-cycle effects should lead to age group differences in the use of ideological dimensions. We test our hypotheses using a 2009 Austrian cross-sectional survey. We find that the extent of the association between ideological dimensions and vote choice is significant and similar across all age groups. However, the nature of the association depends on the type of party considered. Positions on the socio-cultural dimension are associated with voting for New Politics parties far more than positions on the socio-economic dimension; the latter distinguishes well between support for the two Old Politics parties. Overall, age group differences are surprisingly small in both the extent and nature of the association between ideological views and vote choice: there is only isolated evidence that the use of ideological dimensions differs across age groups.  相似文献   
143.
Parliamentary debates provide an arena where Members of Parliament (MPs) present, challenge, or defend public policies. However, the “plenary bottleneck” allows the party leadership to decide who participates in a debate. We argue that in this decision the timing of a debate matters: in proximity of elections, the leadership should be concerned with maintaining its brand name and therefore restrict floor access, in particular if the debate is salient for the respective party. We evaluate our hypotheses in a cross‐country study drawing on a novel data set covering all speeches given during one or two legislative terms in six European parliaments. We find that the electoral cycle matters for the distribution of speaking time: Party leaders do restrict parliamentary speechmaking to a smaller number of MPs at the end of the term. This has important implications for our understanding of parliaments as an electoral arena and for our understanding of intraparty politics.  相似文献   
144.
145.
The aim of the present study is to explore the possibility of predicting the presence of a criminal record in the background of a homicide offender on the basis of victim characteristics. Eight victim characteristics, as well as the presence or absence of offender criminal record and offender violent criminal record, were coded for 502 Finnish homicides. A configural frequency analysis (CFA) showed that it was possible to predict the presence of a criminal record on the basis of the victim variables. The practical significance of the results for police investigations is discussed.  相似文献   
146.
147.
The number of reports on contact shots from firearms with a flash suppressor attached to the muzzle is small. On the basis of a case report (suicidal shot to the forehead with a Kalschnikow AKMS 47 assault rifle) the morphological peculiarities (characteristics soot pattern, relatively small powder cavity and only minor skin tears in the presence of a bony support) are presented and the conclusions to be drawn from the findings regarding the flash-suppressor, the shot distance, the angle of the shot and the way of holding the weapon are discussed.  相似文献   
148.
Why do citizens become members of political parties? And why are some party members activists and others not? These guiding questions are analyzed within the context of the general incentives model proposed by Seyd and Whiteley. The basis of the empirical analyses is a survey of the German population as well as a survey of the German party members. It is shown that soft incentives can be sufficient for the decision to become a member of a political party while hard incentives are the main predictor of the decision to become active within a party. Since soft incentives had become less widespread these findings contribute to an explanation of the declining number of party members in Germany.  相似文献   
149.
This paper presents the first systematic, empirical examination of the impact of constitutional structures on income inequality among eighteen OECD countries. Our pooled time series/cross–sectional panel analysis (n = 18, t = 2) reveals that consensual political institutions are systematically related to lower income inequalities while the reverse is true for majoritarian political institutions. We also make a crucial distinction between 'collective' and 'competitive' veto points. Our multiple regression results provide strong evidence that collective veto points depress income inequalities while competitive veto points tend to widen the inequality of incomes. Thus, some institutional veto points have constraining effects on policy while others have 'enabling' effects.  相似文献   
150.
While some scholars call for mechanisms to give citizens a greater voice in politics, others critically question the demand for more citizen participation. Rather, they find that the people do not want to be involved in politics and prefer independent experts to make political decisions. This perspective is captured by Hibbing and Theiss-Morse in their concept of stealth democracy. They describe stealth democrats as people who think that political debates are unnecessary or who naturally avoid all sorts of conflict. Especially the latter argument points to a potential psychological underpinning of stealth attitudes, which forms the starting point of the investigation here. This article evaluates the personality of stealth democrats and makes use of a well-known concept to capture personality traits, the ‘Big Five’ model. Analysing unique survey data from Switzerland, the results reveal significant relationships between personality traits such as conscientiousness, agreeableness, and neuroticism and stealth attitudes.  相似文献   
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