The Challenge of Measuring Media Exposure: Reply to Dilliplane,Goldman, and Mutz

Political communication research has long been plagued by inaccurate self-reports of media exposure. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz (2013) Dilliplane, S., Goldman, S. and Mutz, D. 2013. Televised exposure to politics: New measures for a fragmented media environment. American Journal of Political Science, 57: 236–248. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar] propose a new survey-based measure of “televised exposure to politics” that avoids some of the features that lead to self-report error and that has already been adopted by the American National Election Study. Yet the validity of the new measure has not been independently tested. An analysis reveals several weaknesses. First, construct validity of the new measure is low because it does not attempt to measure the amount of exposure to news programs, news channels, or news overall. Second, its convergent validity is poor by several different criteria. For example, the new measure shows barely any increase in news exposure as the 2008 presidential election approached. Third, the authors' criterion for predictive validity is neither necessary nor sufficient. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz are right that measuring the media exposure of survey respondents in a valid and reliable way is critical for progress in political communication research. But given the inability of many respondents to report their own exposure, it is necessary to monitor the media use of survey respondents automatically.     

Self‐Embedding Behavior in Adults: A Report of Two Cases and a Systematic Review

Self‐embedding behavior (SEB) is the repeated insertion of sharp objects, such as needles or pins, into the soft tissues of abdomen, limbs, and other body parts. In this study, two cases of SEB were reported and the scientific worldwide literature reviewed. Thirty‐two cases of SEB were identified through systematic searches in the main bibliographic databases. Mean age was 35 years (SD = 8.97). Just over two‐thirds of the patients were female. Although the number of embedded objects could be as high as 200, major clinical and surgical complications were uncommon and mortality was null. Patients with SEB presented three major diagnoses: psychotic (25%), personality (21.9%), and factitious (28.1%) disorders. The practice of SEB largely went undetected as the patients themselves did not bring it to the attention of family members or physicians and usually denied they have engaged in SEB. A high level of suspicion is required to avoid a missed diagnosis.     

Competence to Complete Psychiatric Advance Directives: Effects of Facilitated Decision Making

Psychiatric advance directives (PADs) statutes presume competence to complete these documents, but the range and dimensions of decisional competence among people who actually complete PADs is unknown. This study examines clinical and neuropsychological correlates of performance on a measure to assess competence to complete PADs and investigates the effects of a facilitated PAD intervention on decisional capacity. N=469 adults with psychotic disorders were interviewed at baseline and then randomly assigned to either a control group in which they received written materials about PADs or to an intervention group in which they were offered an opportunity to meet individually with a trained facilitator to create a PAD. At baseline, domains on the Decisional Competence Assessment Tool for PADs (DCAT-PAD) were most strongly associated with IQ, verbal memory, abstract thinking, and psychiatric symptoms. At one-month follow-up, participants in the intervention group showed more improvement on the DCAT-PAD than controls, particularly among participants with pre-morbid IQ estimates below the median of 100. The results suggest that PAD facilitation is an effective method to boost competence of cognitively-impaired clients to write PADs and make treatment decisions within PADs, thereby maximizing the chances their advance directives will be valid.     

Legitimation zur Stellung eines Devolutionsantrags, Beginn der behördlichen Entscheidungsfrist bei mangelhaften Anträgen, unverzügliche Erteilung von Verbesserungsaufträgen

In einem auf Antrag des Beitragspflichtigen eingeleiteten Feststellungsverfahren nach § 10 ALSAG ist der Bund berechtigt, einen Devolutionsantrag zu stellen. Weisen schriftliche Anbringen M?ngel auf, darf die Beh?rde solche Anbringen nicht zurückweisen, sondern hat gem § 13 Abs 3 AVG von Amts wegen unverzüglich deren Behebung zu veranlassen. Wenn der M?ngelbehebungsauftrag nach § 13 Abs 3 AVG zul?ssig war und unverzüglich erteilt wurde, beginnt die Entscheidungsfrist des § 73 Abs 1 AVG erst mit dem Einlangen des verbesserten Antrages. Das Wort "unverzüglich" in § 13 Abs 3 AVG zielt darauf ab, die Beh?rde zur umgehenden Prüfung der M?ngelfreiheit des Antrages und der Vollst?ndigkeit der Unterlagen zu verhalten. Es ist davon auszugehen, dass Verbesserungsauftr?ge in der Regel innerhalb von vier Wochen erteilt werden k?nnen. Dabei handelt es sich freilich nicht um eine absolute Frist, sondern um einen Ma?stab. Ob eine "unverzügliche" Auftragserteilung erfolgte, ist anhand der Umst?nde des jeweiligen Einzelfalles zu beurteilen.     

Art 16 EMRK und die politische Integration Europas

Die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK wirkt wie ein Fremdkörper im System der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention. Sie ermöglicht den Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates, die politische Tätigkeit von Ausländern hinsichtlich einiger Grundrechte zu beschränken. Der Wortlaut der Vorschrift lässt viele Fragen hinsichtlich ihrer Reichweite offen und führt dementsprechend zu dogmatischen Unsicherheiten. Es zeigt sich, dass den Mitgliedsstaaten bei der Beschränkung politischer Tätigkeiten von Ausländern weitgehende Gestaltungsfreiheit zukommt, jedoch willkürliche Eingriffe durch Art 16 EMRK nicht gedeckt sind. Weitaus enger als die Mitgliedsstaaten des Europarates sind die Mitglieder der Europäischen Union zusammengewachsen. Die gemeinschaftsrechtliche Integration geht mittlerweile weit über bloß wirtschaftliche Belange hinaus und ermöglicht den Unionsbürgern auch eine politische Mitwirkungsmöglichkeit in anderen EU-Staaten. Als letztes staatsbürgerliches "Reservat" ist hier noch das Wahlrecht zu den nationalen Vertretungskörpern auszumachen. In diesem Bereich hat bei dogmatischer Betrachtung auch die Bestimmung des Art 16 EMRK noch einen kleinen Anwendungsbereich.     

Analysis of the Federal District’s Legislative Chamber in the Information Age

The study investigates the satisfaction with the work of the parliament of Brazilian Federal District. The survey was based on the competencies extracted from the institutional mission and targeted citizens who frequently use social networks. Inferential statistics were used to analyse the data. The results showed a great unsatisfaction about the institution. The most satisfied respondents are the less educated, while the most educated, older, and highest income respondents are the most unsatisfied. The results also highlighted the low interaction between respondents and the Chamber, the absence of an effective official communication channel, and actions associated with sustainable economic development will be more effective in increasing satisfaction.     

Making peace in seas of crime: crimilegal order and armed conflict termination in Colombia

The relationship between organized crime and political order in the contemporary developing world and in transition countries is still little understood. Building on the seminal accounts of political order by Weber, Fukuyama and North, Wallis and Weingast, this article introduces the concept of crimilegality. Crimilegal orders are neither ‘modern’ nor ‘non-modern’ but combine and integrate elements of both types of order. They are characterized by the blurring of the social boundaries between legality and illegality and/or criminality. What is formally illegal and/or criminal may be deemed legitimate, while what is formally legal may be considered to be illegitimate. The resulting crimilegal governance arrangements, which involve coordination between a range of state and non-state actors, serve (illicit) economic interests but are also reflective of broader particularistic concerns about guaranteeing political stability and the de facto exercise of political authority, as well as the physical security of those in power and, somewhat paradoxically, their judicial impunity. In such orders the state’s monopoly on the use of force tends to be replaced by oligopolies of coercion and high levels of violence are not uncommon, though they are also not standard. Using the current Colombian peace process as an example, this article argues that due to eminently political reasons violently contending state and non-state actors, both with notorious criminal pedigrees, can reach agreement on ending armed conflict and decide to cooperate to recover the primacy of legality. However, whether this type of bargaining game can ultimately lead to the positive ‘legalization’ of a crimilegal order, such as the one in Colombia, remains an open question.