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91.
Political parties with strict party discipline are well-placed to demand that their election candidates and legislators promote the party brand. The franchise-franchisee relationship causes representatives to relinquish individual expression in exchange for centralized party messaging. This article looks at how a strategic desire for party unity combines with internal brand management to turn lower-ranking politicians in a parliamentary system into party brand ambassadors. Our Canadian case study draws on in-depth interviews with party leaders, Members of Parliament, political staff, candidates for office and prospective candidates. The implications for representative democracy in a Westminster system are considered, including the representational constraints for racial and sexual minorities. 相似文献
92.
School corporal punishment is associated with many negative outcomes. This research explores the antecedents to the practice
and prevalence of school corporal punishment. A series of regression models indicated that two variables were significant
predictors of a state’s practice of school corporal punishment: rate of evangelical Protestant adherents and social capital.
A path analysis indicated that these two variables significantly predicted the rate of school corporal punishment in practicing
states. The path analysis also revealed a significant and negative relationship between rate of evangelical Protestant adherents
and social capital, but no relationship between rate of mainstream Protestant adherents and social capital. A mediation analysis
indicated that social capital serves as a mediating variable between evangelical Protestantism and rate of school corporal
punishment. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed. 相似文献
93.
International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue internationale de Sémiotique juridique - 相似文献
94.
95.
96.
97.
Gregory B. Markus 《Political Behavior》1986,8(1):21-44
Using data from a panel survey of members of two generations, this study explores observed change in policy opinions across a 9-year span and respondents' recollections and explanations of their self-perceived attitude shifts. In general, remembrances corresponded poorly to opinions as originally expressed, with respondents perceiving that they were more attitudinally stable than was actually observed. When attempting to reconstruct their past political attitudes, individuals appeared to rely on simple rules of thumb such as one might employ to account for another's behavior. Finally, respondents readily supplied explanations for their self-perceived attitude history, even when those perceptions directly contradicted observed opinion change. It is argued that these results are not artifacts of survey measurement problems. Instead, they indicate that policy attitudes generally do not have strong cognitive representations, are eminently changeable, and once they are changed, an individual's cognitive autobiography is revised so as to render the changes invisible. 相似文献
98.
Zusammenfassung Die Frage der Einklagbarkeit von Fehlern bei der Umweltvertr?glichkeitsprüfung (UVP) ist
weiterhin ein rechtlich unsicheres Terrain und damit für komplexe Gro?vorhaben ein erheblicher
Risikofaktor. Mit dem Umwelt-Rechtsbehelfsgesetz (UmwRG) hat der deutsche Gesetzgeber Regelungen erlassen,
die zwar in gewissem Umfang eine Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern vorsehen, deren Auslegung jedoch umstritten
ist. Der vorliegende Beitrag behandelt die Frage, ob und ggf. in welchem Umfang das UmwRG Drittbetroffenen
ein subjektives Recht auf Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern einr?umt. Es wird aufgezeigt, dass insoweit
zwischen Umweltschutzvereinigungen und sonstigen Beteiligten zu differenzieren ist und dass eine Erweiterung
der Einklagbarkeit von UVP-Fehlern über die beiden in §4 Abs. 1 UmwRG genannten F?lle (Nichtdurchführung
einer UVP bzw. Einzelfallvorprüfung) nach der klaren gesetzlichen Festlegung und der bisher ergangenen
Rechtsprechung nicht in Betracht kommt. 相似文献
99.
100.
Do voters polarize ideologically when radical views gain political legitimacy, or does the rise of radical voices merely reflect societal conflict? We argue that elite polarization as signaled by radical parties' first entrance into parliament leads to voter divergence. Immediately after the election, legitimization and backlash effects mean that voters on both ideological sides move toward the extremes. In the longer term, this polarization is solidified because of radical parties' parliamentary presence. A panel study of Dutch voters shows that the 2002 parliamentary entrance of a radical‐right party indeed led to immediate ideological polarization across the political spectrum. Estimating time‐series cross‐sectional models on Eurobarometer data from 17 countries (1973–2016) shows an additional long‐term impact of radical‐right party entry on polarization. The presence of radical voices on the right has polarizing effects, illustrating how such institutional recognition and legitimization can have a far‐reaching impact on society. 相似文献