首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1088篇
  免费   78篇
各国政治   89篇
工人农民   49篇
世界政治   95篇
外交国际关系   109篇
法律   464篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   354篇
综合类   1篇
  2023年   12篇
  2022年   9篇
  2021年   13篇
  2020年   37篇
  2019年   46篇
  2018年   64篇
  2017年   76篇
  2016年   79篇
  2015年   39篇
  2014年   55篇
  2013年   196篇
  2012年   46篇
  2011年   44篇
  2010年   45篇
  2009年   55篇
  2008年   44篇
  2007年   38篇
  2006年   31篇
  2005年   34篇
  2004年   28篇
  2003年   32篇
  2002年   29篇
  2001年   18篇
  2000年   19篇
  1999年   11篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   13篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   5篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   1篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   4篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   2篇
  1980年   1篇
  1978年   1篇
  1977年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
排序方式: 共有1166条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
151.
A vast literature indicates that racial animosity has a pervasive influence on the public’s evaluations of U.S. President Barack Obama. Can political communications enhance and/or defuse the link between White Americans’ racial attitudes and evaluations of Barack Obama? In this article, we report the results of an experiment conducted in the midst of the 2012 presidential campaign which examines the effect of political rhetoric on the extent to which evaluations of Barack Obama are racialized. Drawing from research on attitude strength and pretreatment effects in experimental studies, we argue that the use of racial appeals in the pretreatment environment and the strength of citizens’ preexisting attitudes toward the incumbent president may produce a downward bias in average estimates of racial priming effects toward President Obama. After accounting for individual differences in the propensity to form strong attitudes with need to evaluate, we observe substantial effects of campaign rhetoric in priming racial attitudes toward President Obama, especially among individuals who are low in the need to evaluate and who tend to have more malleable political attitudes. We conclude by discussing implications for research on racial priming and the politics of racial intolerance in evaluations of Barack Obama.  相似文献   
152.
The popular media and many in academia often overstate the role that religion, and its supposedly unique qualities, has played in recent acts of terror. In this article, I argue that the notion of religious violence is unhelpful and that there is a more useful concept that we can utilize to draw out the values and ideas that play a role in the move to violence in both religious and secular groups. From a series of case studies on religious and non-religious groups, I have drawn out an alternative framework for investigating and learning from the role that beliefs play in motivations and justifications for terrorism. This framework uses the concept of non-negotiable (or “sacred”) beliefs. It is as applicable to secular as it is to religious groups, and can show us much more about how such beliefs can contribute to violence.  相似文献   
153.
154.
Drawing on the work of Walter Benjamin, Harold Bloom, and Theodor Adorno this article proposes the re-imageination of international law as a ‘pure means’ of representation rather than a means of exercising control over the world.  相似文献   
155.
In its September 2015 decision in DC Comics v. Towle, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit recognized the existence of a copyright for inanimate characters. The court held that the Batmobile – a fictional car driven by a fictional superhero – was an independently copyrightable work. This article explores the problems with the Ninth Circuit's analysis and argues that increasing copyright protection for what the authors call “microworks” is misguided and harms First Amendment interests.  相似文献   
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
Scholars typically argue that elite polarization has only negative consequences for American politics. I challenge this view by demonstrating that elite polarization, by clarifying where the parties stand on the issues of the day, causes ordinary voters to adopt more consistent attitudes. Scholars have made such claims in the past, but because only observational data has been available, demonstrating a cause-and-effect relationship has proven to be difficult. I use original experiments to verify that there is a small but significant causal link between elite polarization and voter consistency. These findings have important normative implications for our understanding of the consequences of elite polarization, the role of political parties in a modern democracy, and the standards scholars use to assess citizen competence and participation.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号