全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1115篇 |
免费 | 84篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 80篇 |
工人农民 | 45篇 |
世界政治 | 94篇 |
外交国际关系 | 111篇 |
法律 | 493篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 371篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 14篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 14篇 |
2020年 | 38篇 |
2019年 | 47篇 |
2018年 | 69篇 |
2017年 | 79篇 |
2016年 | 78篇 |
2015年 | 41篇 |
2014年 | 58篇 |
2013年 | 192篇 |
2012年 | 45篇 |
2011年 | 43篇 |
2010年 | 45篇 |
2009年 | 57篇 |
2008年 | 47篇 |
2007年 | 40篇 |
2006年 | 29篇 |
2005年 | 35篇 |
2004年 | 33篇 |
2003年 | 32篇 |
2002年 | 31篇 |
2001年 | 18篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 11篇 |
1998年 | 10篇 |
1997年 | 14篇 |
1996年 | 9篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1199条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Revenge pornography (hereafter, revenge porn) is the online, sometimes offline, non-consensual distribution or sharing, of explicit images of someone else by ex-partners, partners, others or hackers seeking revenge or entertainment – also referred to as non-consensual pornography. The vast majority of revenge porn is committed by men on women ex-partners. In this paper, we discursively analyse men’s electronic texts accompanying their posting of explicit images on arguably the most popular revenge porn-specific website MyEx.com. Situating our analysis as a contemporary form of online gendered violence and abuse, we show the complex ways in which manhood acts are invoked by men to account for their practices. The impacts on victims/survivors and possible interventions are also discussed. 相似文献
992.
Feminist scholarship has invested attention in popular culture as a terrain upon which understandings of feminism are circulated, contested and explored. This is particularly so in the contemporary moment in which feminism appears to have achieved a new ascendency. But whilst popular culture and feminism are recognised as inextricably enmeshed, there remains the implicit or explicit assumption in feminist scholarship that popular media culture could do ‘better’, and that there is a more ‘authentic’ form of feminism waiting to find representation. In response to this context, this article undertakes an analysis of Twitter responses to Celebrity Big Brother: Year of the Woman (2018) in order to explore the ways in which a popular media text provides an arena for the negotiation of popular feminism. Rather than positioning reality TV and celebrity culture as a site of ‘ideological ruin’ for feminism, this article explores how CBB is discussed in relation to feminism as popular television, and the ways in which this may offer affordances and limitations. The article concludes that feminist media scholars need to give due attention to the complexities of popular feminism as articulated by popular media culture. 相似文献
993.
This symposium demonstrates the potential for throughput legitimacy as a concept for shedding empirical light on the strengths and weaknesses of multi‐level governance, as well as challenging the concept theoretically. This article introduces the symposium by conceptualizing throughput legitimacy as an ‘umbrella concept’, encompassing a constellation of normative criteria not necessarily empirically interrelated. It argues that in order to interrogate multi‐level governance processes in all their complexity, it makes sense for us to develop normative standards that are not naïve about the empirical realities of how power is exercised within multi‐level governance, or how it may interact with legitimacy. We argue that while throughput legitimacy has its normative limits, it can be substantively useful for these purposes. While being no replacement for input and output legitimacy, throughput legitimacy offers distinctive normative criteria—accountability, transparency, inclusiveness and openness—and points towards substantive institutional reforms. 相似文献
994.
995.
996.
Matthew Hoyle 《The Modern law review》2020,83(5):1008-1029
There has been little attempt to provide a full and coherent analysis of the rules governing service of a claim form out of the jurisdiction in claims concerning unjust enrichment. This lacuna has grown more noticeable since the rules were reformed in 2015, with the continuation of an excessively wide approach that had overrun the older, overly restrictive rules. This article attempts not only to provide such an analysis but also one which is able to reconcile the wording of the rules with their underlying principles and the substantive law of unjust enrichment claims – significant constraints that have received insufficient consideration in both the case law and the literature. 相似文献
997.
Michal Kurlaender Lester Lusher Matthew Case 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(2):348-375
Remediation has long been a costly way to address the misalignment between K-12 and higher education. In 2011, the California State University (CSU), the nation's largest public four-year university system, enacted Early Start, requiring students needing remediation to enroll in such courses in the summer before their freshman year. We estimate the impact of Early Start summer remediation relative to both traditional fall remediation and relative to no remediation at all. Our results suggest Early Start summer remediation has not improved student performance or persistence relative to either alternative. As many states move away from remedial courses altogether, there is continued need for both innovation and for evidence in policy and practice to improve college readiness and success. 相似文献
998.
Political Behavior - Despite making notable gains at the local level, very few African Americans have been elected to the high-profile statewide offices of governor or U.S. senator. Previous... 相似文献
999.
This paper explores the effectiveness of European Parliament candidates' campaigns. We analyze the relationship between candidates' spending and their likelihood of success, controlling for a range of relevant co-varying factors. We then investigate whether the effects of electoral spending are conditioned by two variables: ballot design and incumbency. We find that, ceteris paribus, spending was positively related to a candidate's likelihood of electoral success in the 2009 campaign, though this effect is small in scale. We also reveal that the electorally positive effects of spending are observable across both 'party-centered' and ‘candidate-centered’ ballot structures, and that there is some evidence that incumbent spending is less effective than challenger spending. 相似文献
1000.
In democracies, a constant tension exists between the stability and integrity of the community as a whole, and the desire to ensure minorities a voice in politics. Reserved seats and reduced thresholds are two common means by which ethnic minorities gain legislative seats, though little or no empirical work exists testing their efficacy in this regard. Combining multivariate analysis with in-depth case studies, this article shows that both reserved seats and lower thresholds increase minority representation, though reserved seats accomplish that goal more consistently. Reduced thresholds tend to increase the share of votes and seats won by ethnoregional parties but reserved seats do not. Additionally, Mauritius' unusual best-loser system aids both minorities and ethnoregional parties. 相似文献