Suicidality of chronic schizophrenic patients in long-term community care

In the provision of mental health care for chronic schizophrenic patients, the specific problems and requirements of long-term community care of suicidal behavior is an area of research not yet fully explored. This study focuses on a 4 1/2-year prospective assessment of normative and subjective needs for care related to this specific area for a cohort living in the Dresden region (Germany). One significant result of this study shows the constant high level of needs for care in the area of suicidal behavior imposed on community services by 30-40% of this diagnostic group. Furthermore, the study identified a special high-risk subgroup for suicides as well as specific needs for care. This subgroup is characterized by clinical reasons for the index hospitalization (suicidal risk or attempt) as well as by psychopathological features (suicidal thoughts and higher levels of anxiety/depression) 1 month after release from index hospitalization. Four items of care were rated as potentially effective for addressing suicidality in the community setting: clinical assessment, increased supervision or systematic recording of (suicidal) behavior, medication, and a sheltered environment. Because these care measures are provided, the percentage of unmet normative needs for the area of suicidal behavior was rather low. Due to limitations of the instrument used for assessment of normative needs, the Needs for Care Assessment (NFCAS), the care measures most frequently provided do not define a quality standard of community care for this problem. A subjective needs assessment differing from the normative approach has to be integrated in establishing guidelines for effective community care.     

Nonsexual boundary violations: sauce for the gander

Numerous articles in the mental health literature concern sexual contact between therapists and patients, which is explicitly prohibited by all four mental health professions' ethical codes. There is relatively little about nonsexual boundary violations, which are often covert and much more difficult to recognize (particularly in their early stages) than sexual violations; what little there is assumes that the clinician has the power in the relationship and uses that power for personal advantage. In this article the authors discuss the situation, rare in civil mental health facilities but common in correctional and forensic mental health facilities, in which personality-disordered patients manipulate and coerce clinicians to cross appropriate professional nonsexual boundaries for the patients' benefit; this reversal of the usual power dynamics between treaters and patients requires recognition of the role reversals present and requires different strategies for preventing such violations (hence "sauce for the gander").     

Analysis of regional trends in narcotic studies between 1980 and 1986

During the period of survey, the number of narcotic drug seizures by the law, especially cannabis resin, has increased considerably. The details on this development are presented. The following main analytical results were obtained: the median concentration of THC in cannabis resin has increased up to 8.6%, in cannabis plants the THC content has fluctuated between 1% and 3%. In the heroin samples since 1982, diamorphin has predominated in the base form; the diamorphin content had dropped to 32%, which is connected with a rise simultaneous in the concentration of noscapine (up to 9%). The concentration of cocaine hydrochloride had diminished at the end of the period to 62%; on the other hand, the amphetamine sulfate content increased to 69%. LSD trips used from 10 to 120 micrograms per trip. Methadone occurred mostly in the form of tablets containing 5 mg methadone hydrochloride.     

Cell line DNA typing in forensic genetics--the necessity of reliable standards

The incorporation of reference DNA is crucial to the validation of any DNA typing protocol. This paper aims to provide a panel of reference DNAs for actual forensic profiling strategies, i.e. autosomal and gonosomal STR typing as well as mtDNA sequencing. We have characterised three human lymphoid cell lines, GM9947, GM9948 and GM3657, and considered 58 autosomal and gonosomal microsatellites as well as the mitochondrial control region sequence. Well-established markers and STRs recently developed for forensic use were involved. K562 DNA samples which we purchased from two different suppliers were also analysed. They revealed conflicting results with regard to the ChrX STR marker genotype. Hence, we suggest that K562 is no longer used for the calibration of profiling techniques. Our investigation establishes a panel of one female and two male DNA samples as an STR allelic ladder calibration tool and offers information on six alleles of each autosome (AS) marker, three alleles of each X chromosome (ChrX) marker and two alleles of each ChrY marker. In addition, sequences of the mitochondrial control region of the three DNAs are communicated in order to provide sequencing quality control.     

Demokratie und Imperium. Tocqueville in Amerika und Algerien

Zusammenfassung Im Zentrum des Aufsatzes steht der Versuch, Tocquevilles Rechtfertigung der Kolonialisierung Algeriens aus seiner sozialen und politischen Analyse der Demokratie in Amerika zu erkl?ren. Die Eroberung und Besiedlung Algeriens ist für Tocqueville die M?glichkeit, die unaufhaltsam expansive und gewaltf?rmige Seite der demokratischen Lebensform zu nutzen, um die Gef?hrdungen, die zugleich von ihr ausgehen (Individualismus, Konformismus, Gleichgültigkeit), zu kompensieren. Mit dem imperialen Projekt zur Errichtung einer nordafrikanischen Kolonie sollte eine konformistische und erwerbsorientierte Bourgeoisie zu einer politisch führenden und tugendhaften Klasse erzogen und dem demokratischen Frankreich wieder der gebührende machtpolitische Platz unter den europ?ischen Nationen einger?umt werden. Erst sp?t erkennt Tocqueville, dass der brutale Verwüstungskrieg des franz?sischen Milit?rs gegen die indigene Bev?lkerung sich als das genaue Gegenteil erweist: n?mlich als Brutst?tte für Rassismus, Gewalt und Unterdrückung.

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Summary Tocqueville’s justification of the French conquest and colonization of Algeria is not merely a blind spot of an otherwise liberal and enlightened thinker. It is a consequence of his social and political analysis of democracy as a dangerous way of life. For Tocqueville, the imperial conquest and occupation of Algeria was a kind of escape from the crisis and vulnerability democracy caused in the domestic politics of France, i.e. individualism, conformism and apathy. With the national project to raise a French colony on the coast of North Africa he intended to forge a political class of virtuous citizens out of a rather commercial and depoliticized bourgeoisie. At the same time a democratic France should recapture its former powerful position among the European nations. It is only in his late writings on Algeria that Tocqueville recognizes the disastrous outcome of this nation- and class-building politics: the ruthless war waged by the French military against the indigenous population proved to be a hotbed of racism, violence and domination.

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Résumé Cet article tente d’expliquer les raisons qui ont poussé Tocqueville à justifier la colonisation de l’Algérie à partir de son analyse politique et sociale de la démocratie en Amérique. Tocqueville voit dans la conquête et le peuplement de l’Algérie la possibilité de tirer parti des tendances expansionnistes et violentes du mode de vie démocratique pour neutraliser les dangers (individualisme, conformisme, indifférence) qui lui son inhérents. Le projet impérial d’établir une colonie nord-africaine était destiné à transformer une bourgeoisie conformiste et matérialiste en une classe politiquement dominante et vertueuse ainsi qu’à redonner à la France démocratique le rang qui lui revenait parmi les nations européennes. Ce n’est que tardivement que Tocqueville a compris que la guerre brutale et impitoyable menée par l’armée fran?aise contre la population indigène s’avérait être l’exact contraire: le terreau du racisme, de la violence et de l’oppression.

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Der Aufsatz ist die erweiterte Fassung meines Habilitationsvortrags, der am 4. Juli 2005 vor der Philosophischen Fakult?t III der Humboldt Universit?t zu Berlin gehalten wurde. Für Anregungen und Hinweise danke ich Harald Bluhm, Hans-Christoph Schr?der, Skadi Krause und Effi B?hlke.     

Small enough to fail: the structural irrelevance of the small state as cause of its elimination and proliferation since Westphalia

Since the Peace of Westphalia, few great powers have “died”, while the “death rate” and proliferation of small states has been dramatic at times. What causes these fluctuations? In this paper, I claim that the dominant reason for the extinction, emergence and proliferation of the small state over the last three and a half centuries is to be found at the system level. Ultimately, small state survival is determined by the particular set-up of the state system. I advance this argument from the perspective of international relations theory, integrating the relevant scholarship of the English School and realism, especially structural realism. The latter’s systemic perspective provides the basis for arguing that small states are structurally irrelevant. It is this feature of the small state, its irrelevance with regard to the power-based structure of the state system, which has caused the small state to “struggle for existence” in the past, and which has allowed small states to proliferate during the bipolar Cold War.     

Between technocracy and politics: How financial stability committees shape precautionary interventions in real estate markets

Implementing precautionary measures that have obvious distributional consequences today but often only invisible future benefits is politically difficult. It requires that policymakers reconcile technocratic expertise with political consent. This paper traces attempts to enact such measures, focusing on countercyclical policies to limit the systemic risks of housing booms as proposed by financial stability committees in Germany, France, and the Netherlands from 2015 onwards. These committees bring together technocrats and political authorities in order to overcome the inaction bias inherent to these measures, seeking to forge both epistemic and political consensus on the need for action. We find that the work of these committees is characterized by lengthy processes of consensus-building, during which technocrats amass evidence and search for politically acceptable solutions. We argue that whether this leads to meaningful steps crucially depends on the committee's institutional set-up. What particularly matters is its capacity to engage the Ministry of Finance in binding discussions and the governance arrangements for the activation of precautionary instruments, which shape whether a shared framing of the problem and appropriate response emerges.     

Cream-skimming at the frontline: The role of administrative literacy

The notion of cream-skimming—defined as the propensity to prioritize clients who have a higher likelihood of meeting bureaucratic success criteria, including organizational goals—is at the heart of street-level bureaucracies. However, there is often no direct information available to street-level bureaucrats whether clients will actually meet bureaucratic success criteria. This study argues that street-level bureaucrats assess clients' potential to reach these criteria via their administrative literacy—a client's capacity to obtain, process, and understand basic information and services from public administrations—as displayed in social interactions. Therefore, this study elaborates on the role of clients' administrative literacy and its effects on cream-skimming behavior. Using data from two experiments, we show that public employees prioritize clients with higher levels of preparedness and effective communication strategies. These findings suggest that cream-skimming is not just a rational cost–benefit analysis, but strongly influenced by social dynamics within public encounters.     

Self-legitimation in the face of politicization: Why international organizations centralized public communication

International organizations (I0) have centralized their public communication to a large extent over recent decades by undertaking a broader codification of communication tasks as well as a departmentalization of these tasks within units of IO bureaucracies. The paper provides the first systematic analysis of this important development in institutional design using a novel data set on the organization of public communication in 48 IOs between 1950 and 2015. It identifies self-legitimation as a key driver of centralization in the face of increased levels of politicization, that is, public awareness and activism directed at IOs. Empirically, the study suggests that the centralization of public communication significantly increases as transnational civil society organizes and gains access to IO decision-making. Further, politicization in terms of contentious activism and public scandals substantially accounts for varying levels of centralization across IOs.