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41.
Max Houck Paul J. Speaker Arron Scott Fleming Richard A. Riley 《Science & justice》2012,52(4):209-216
The purpose of this article is to introduce the concept of the balanced scorecard into the laboratory management environment. The balanced scorecard is a performance measurement matrix designed to capture financial and non-financial metrics that provide insight into the critical success factors for an organization, effectively aligning organization strategy to key performance objectives. The scorecard helps organizational leaders by providing balance from two perspectives. First, it ensures an appropriate mix of performance metrics from across the organization to achieve operational excellence; thereby the balanced scorecard ensures that no single or limited group of metrics dominates the assessment process, possibly leading to long-term inferior performance. Second, the balanced scorecard helps leaders offset short term performance pressures by giving recognition and weight to long-term laboratory needs that, if not properly addressed, might jeopardize future laboratory performance. 相似文献
42.
Franz Neuhuber Max P. Baur Jan Cemper-KiesslichBettina Dunkelmann Fabio Monticelli 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2012,6(1):121-123
A badly decomposed body required identification by means of DNA analysis. A brother and sister of the deceased were available as reference subjects. Although investigation of Y-chromosomal markers established an exclusion condition, autosomal markers suggested a positive identification. In order to increase the reliability of the tests, X-chromosomal markers were also investigated. This analysis showed the body to have an XXY genotype (Klinefelter's syndrome). A number of hypotheses were assessed using biostatistical methods, ultimately resulting in a definite identification. The special aspect of Klinefelter's syndrome proved highly useful for biostatistical analysis. 相似文献
43.
Anna Singer 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2014,36(4):381-391
Children's rights to participate in legal processes concerning them have been a key policy issue for the Scandinavian legislators during recent decades. From the 1980s, there have been frequent amendments to the law to secure the position of the child. Despite numerous provisions stating the right of the child to express his or her views and for these to be considered before decisions are taken, there are continuing obstacles to full recognition of children as legal subjects. Too often children's voices are not heard or not heeded. This article explores the reasons for this and argues that the ambition to promote equal parenthood is one reason for the failure to give the child's views real impact on decision-making in matters concerning children. 相似文献
44.
Max Spry 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2000,59(2):95-100
In recent years literature on public administration in Australia has often referred to the increasing politicisation of both the federal and state public services. Increasingly, senior members of the bureaucracy are appointed on contract. Such contracts can often be terminated without the need to give reasons. Presumably some dismissals will be motivated by partisan, or party‐political, considerations. Where this is so, what role might there be for anti‐discrimination legislation, particularly that denying discrimination on the grounds of political belief or activity in the workplace? 相似文献
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Max Paul Friedman 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):669-689
The Eisenhower Administration claimed a diplomatic triumph—and a mandate to overthrow the elected government of Guatemala—after the Tenth Inter-American Conference held in Caracas, Venezuela, in March 1954, when 17 nations voted for an American resolution condemning international Communism. This article disputes the official story and some recent scholarly depictions of the conference. Caracas was the scene of intense Latin American opposition to the American agenda. Vote-buying was rampant as Washington made hundreds of millions of dollars worth of concessions to individual countries. Nonetheless, amendments pushed through by Latin American diplomats transformed the interventionist American resolution into a strong statement against intervention. The American “triumph” was actually a fiasco that called into sharp relief the difference between United States and Latin American understandings of the inter-American system, demonstrating Latin American diplomatic resistance to intervention and the limits of diplomacy's potential to constrain the actions of the most powerful American state. 相似文献
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