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81.
This article argues that administrative burden—that is, an individual's experience of policy implementation as onerous—is an important consideration for administrators and influences their views on policy and governance options. The authors test this proposition in the policy area of election administration using a mixed‐method assessment of local election officials. They find that the perceived administrative burden of policies is associated with a preference to shift responsibilities to others, perceptions of greater flaws and lesser merit in policies that have created the burden (to the point that such judgments are demonstrably wrong), and opposition to related policy innovations.  相似文献   
82.
The aims of this study were twofold: first, to identify the characteristics that distinguish neglected children from other children reported to youth protection services; and second, to assess the relative importance of each of these characteristics in the differentiation of such children. Researchers analyzed data from the Quebec Incidence Study (QIS), which documented all reports retained for in-depth assessment out of 4,774 reports filed with youth protection services over a 3-month period. Univariate and multivariate regression analyses examined variables on different levels to establish which of the factors linked to the phenomenon of neglect were most significant. Results indicate that neglected children tend to be younger than other reported children, and have a greater frequency of prior referrals and a greater number of learning and development problems; their parents have a greater tendency to have personal, economic, and social problems and childhood histories of maltreatment.
Chantal LavergneEmail:
  相似文献   
83.
Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit der Frage, welche rechtlichen Möglichkeiten der Ausschussobmann bei gleicher Mandatsstärke in Bezug auf das Nominierungsrecht der Parteien zum Gesamtvorschlag der Volksanwaltschaft hat.  相似文献   
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Despite being part of the original concept in “The American Voter”, multiple party identifications (MPID) have rarely been analyzed. Based on a 2016 survey that is representative of the German electorate, we investigate the determinants of multiple party attachments in Germany. With the help of a new measurement instrument for MPID, we can show that multiple attachments are a common phenomenon in Germany: Nearly 30% of the respondents and more than half of all party adherents identify themselves with more than one party. Political interest and education as facets of political involvement have a significant effect on the likelihood of holding multiple attachments within ideological camps. Cross-pressures lead to a higher probability of having multiple identifications between political camps.  相似文献   
87.
Trautner  Jürgen  Mayer  Johannes 《Natur und Recht》2021,43(5):315-320
Natur und Recht - Im Rahmen der Diskussion um Standards zur Erhebung und Anwendung faunistischer Daten für Planungs- und Zulassungsverfahren spielt auch die Frage der Aktualität eine...  相似文献   
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Abstract

In recent years, nonprofit organizations involved in housing have multiplied in number and expanded the size and scope of their activities in low‐income housing preservation. Newly available data show that nonprofits now constitute a significant sector in the upgrading, maintenance, and management of affordable housing and continue to focus their efforts on serving those most in need. Analysis also indicates that the potential exists for significant further expansion of their activities in the short and medium term. While nonprofits cannot by themselves meet the enormous needs for preserving low‐income housing, they can be major contributors, particularly if carefully designed expansion of federal support for projects and operations comes to complement their current resources.  相似文献   
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Abstract

A total of 779 New Jersey residents were surveyed to determine the number of people who during the next five years would be willing to move to housing built on brownfield sites that have been remediated to the extent that they pose no plausible brownfield‐related health risk to residents.

Fourteen percent of the respondents said they would be willing to move to and live in housing built on cleaned‐up brownfields. These respondents were disproportionately relatively poor and young and resided in apartments and cities, especially cities where the city government was actively promoting brownfields. These respondents also did not like their current neighborhoods, did not feel threatened by the idea of living on a cleaned‐up brownfield site, and trusted experts to advise them on the health risks involved.  相似文献   
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