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231.
Czech politics suffers from a low durability of most of its governments, and frequent government crises. One of the products of this situation has been the phenomenon of caretaker governments. This article analyses why political elites have resorted to this solution, and discusses how this has reflected an older Czech tradition. Two cases of such governments are analysed in detail. The To?ovský government was characterised by the ability of the Czech president to advance his agenda through this government at a time when the party elites were divided. The Fischer government was characterised by the considerably higher role of parties that shaped and limited the agenda of the cabinet, and the president played a more static role.  相似文献   
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Following the changing mentality, the efforts to find a common definition,concerning trafficking in human beings, focusing on the issue to harmonisethe national and international legal measures, legal instruments aiming atcombat-ing traffic in human beings, we are witnessing an important segmentof the process towards internationalisation and europeanization of criminallaw and criminal justice.  相似文献   
234.
Held in an environment of growing social polarisation, fears of emergent authoritarianism, and economic challenges, Turkey’s June 2015 election ended the Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi’s (AKP’s) parliamentary majority, challenging its single-party rule for the first time in 13 years. This article first provides information on the background to the election, focusing on debates about the authoritarian tendencies of AKP, economic conditions, and the competition for the Kurdish vote. Then, a brief overview of the campaign period is presented, followed by an analysis of election results at the sub-national level. The article concludes with some preliminary discussion of the causes of the loss of AKP’s majority.  相似文献   
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The international treaties for the protection of the ozone layer and the global climate are closely related. Not only has the Montreal Protocol for the protection of the ozone layer served as a useful example in developing the international climate regime, but policies pursued in both issue areas influence each other. This paper gives an overview of the many ways in which both treaty systems are linked functionally and politically. It investigates, in particular, the tension that has arisen with respect to the use of fluorinated greenhouse gases and the potential for drawing on the experience under the Montreal Protocol regarding data reporting and policy design on fluorinated greenhouse gases under the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The potentials for enhancing synergy in these areas are explored, and related options discussed. Some initiatives for exploiting these potentials are already underway, aiming in particular at enhancing learning and exchanging of information. However, political choices concerning some of the issues willeventually need to be made, if action at the international level is to contribute to their solution.  相似文献   
237.
Lawsone is a 2‐substituted‐1,4‐naphthoquinone derivative, which has been proposed as an alternative to the reagents currently used for fingermark detection on porous surfaces. 2‐substituted‐anthraquinones, which contain an additional conjugated benzene ring, have a similar chemical structure to that of lawsone. In this study, a new series of 2‐substituted‐1,4‐naphthoquinones and 2‐substituted‐1,4‐anthraquinones were synthesized and completely characterized by1H NMR,13C NMR, IR, and HPLC‐TOF/MS analyses. All newly synthesized 2‐substituted‐1,4‐quinones were investigated for their ability to develop latent fingermarks on porous surfaces, and this ability was compared with that of lawsone. Each fingermark developed was graded using an established method; thus, quantitative data were attributed to each fingermark. It has been demonstrated that the 1,4 ‐ quinones react with amino acids present in latent fingermarks on selected paper surfaces to produce faint yellow‐orange impressions, which exhibit strong photoluminescence when illuminated with a forensic light source at 440 nm and observed through a red filter. None of the compounds caused background darkening. The results obtained were generally similar to those of lawsone, however, 8‐dibromo‐2‐(propylamino)naphthalene‐1,4‐dione and 5,8‐dibromo‐2‐(propylthio)naphthalene‐1,4‐dione yielded better results for copier paper and colored (blue) copier paper used in this analysis. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the role of 1,4‐anthraquinone derivatives as potential fingermark development reagents. The results indicate that 1,4‐quinones have a potential to be used as reagents for enhancement of latent fingermarks.  相似文献   
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SUMMARY

In this article Lothar Höbelt has analysed the politics of the last session of the Reicksrat in the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy, which lasted from May 1917 to November 1918. The Lower House, elected in 1911, had been in a state of chronic deadlock and was prorogued in March 1914. Its recall was prompted by the assassination of the prime minister and the death of the Emperor in autumn 1916. In contrast with its pre-war behaviour, during this final session, the parties in parliament began to observe the normal conventions of parliamentary behaviour so that majorities could be formed in support of the government. All the groups in the parliament had an ethnic base, but they now showed a willingness to avoid obstructionist tactics in order to keep parliament functioning. The article describes the political dealings which achieved this effect until, in October 1918 the inevitable was accepted and the parliament agreed to separate into national councils, as a preliminary to the break up of the Habsburg monarchy. The article notes the paradox that it was only during its terminal stage that the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy was able to practice normal parliamentary politics again.  相似文献   
240.
What are the political conditions affecting male MPs’ willingness to represent women's interests in parliament? This paper explores the role of electoral vulnerability in this regard and analyzes whether male MPs’ re-election prospects affect their likelihood of paying attention to women's concerns. Theoretically, we expect that male MPs are not blamed if they do not represent women's interests but can gain additional credit for doing so. Thus, male MPs should be more likely to speak on behalf of women if their electoral vulnerability is high and if they need to win additional votes to be re-elected. Empirically, the paper analyzes the representation of women's issues in the British House of Commons, by using Early Day Motions tabled preceding the General Elections in 2001, 2005, 2010 and 2015. The results show that male MPs are more likely to represent women's interests when their re-election is at risk.  相似文献   
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