首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   899篇
  免费   45篇
各国政治   61篇
工人农民   71篇
世界政治   99篇
外交国际关系   46篇
法律   401篇
中国政治   12篇
政治理论   242篇
综合类   12篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   12篇
  2020年   15篇
  2019年   33篇
  2018年   38篇
  2017年   52篇
  2016年   43篇
  2015年   29篇
  2014年   30篇
  2013年   121篇
  2012年   20篇
  2011年   37篇
  2010年   39篇
  2009年   29篇
  2008年   44篇
  2007年   25篇
  2006年   26篇
  2005年   23篇
  2004年   21篇
  2003年   14篇
  2002年   17篇
  2001年   15篇
  2000年   15篇
  1999年   10篇
  1998年   12篇
  1997年   9篇
  1996年   16篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   6篇
  1993年   10篇
  1992年   13篇
  1991年   13篇
  1990年   10篇
  1989年   7篇
  1988年   8篇
  1987年   13篇
  1986年   10篇
  1985年   12篇
  1984年   11篇
  1983年   4篇
  1982年   10篇
  1981年   6篇
  1980年   6篇
  1979年   11篇
  1978年   8篇
  1977年   5篇
  1976年   5篇
  1973年   4篇
  1969年   3篇
  1967年   4篇
排序方式: 共有944条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
112.
113.
Clark  Jill 《Publius》1985,15(4):61-70
A major omission in diffusion research is the scope of changein program adoptions. Diffusion studies focus almost exclusivelyon the rate of change, thus ignoring possible variance in thecontent of programs selected by leaders, followers, and laggards.States may adopt new programs in one area, such as state-mandatedstudent testing. While most states now have a testing policy,these policies vary in terms of the number of students subjectto examinations. Thus, the amount of program change dependson the content of each state's policy. An interstate diffusionstudy of the pattern of program adoptions ignores this variance.It is also possible that policy scope is influenced by certainaspects of the diffusion process. One possibility is that programinnovators generally select more extensive programs than followers.Similarities or differences in policy scope among adopters mayalso be related to innovation attributes (e.g., whether a newprogram is symbolic, redistributive, or administratively complex).Finally, the number of years required for interstate diffusionmay result in similarities or differences in policy content.  相似文献   
114.
115.
After 50 years, the cold war is finally over. It was the longest and most costly war in modern history. The soldiers can return home. The world can go back to being normal. But what, after all this time, is “normal”? In what kind of world are the soldiers returning home? It is a world in economic chaos; a world in recession; a world redefining itself and everything in it. It is a world like none ever seen before in history. While some argue that the American economy converted successfully before and after WWI, WWII, the Korean War, and even the Vietnam War, the depth and extent of those earlier conversions were of much smaller magnitude as compared to the end of the cold war.  相似文献   
116.
This article argues that a major problem with contemporary policy analysis is that it has difficulty coming to terms with complex economic change. This in turn is probably influenced by a view of socioeconomic systems that still harks back to the classical mechanics of the nineteenth century and a relatively stable world in which social action could reasonably be informed by disinterested scientific research of a traditional kind. By means of a review of some recent policy analysis literature and by focusing on issues relating to development issues in contemporary Africa, the article maintains that a more realistic approach would recognize the evolutionary nature of modern socioeconomic systems and base policy interventions accordingly. In particular, there is a need to see ‘policy’ as a process of complex change requiring innovative institutional contexts and novel managerial capabilities.  相似文献   
117.
This research investigates low religiosity as a predictor of violent victimization. The theoretical framework the authors present here posits that religiosity should help structure daily activities in such a way as to (a) limit exposure to offenders by encouraging contact with peers who are less deviant, (b) lessen one's target suitability by inhibiting grievance-causing delinquent activity, and (c) enhance guardianship by fostering stronger bonds with parents and school. Thus, although researchers expect religion to be a bivariate predictor of violent victimization, its influence should be indirect. The authors investigate these claims using two waves from the public-use version of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). The results indicate that religiosity is a correlate of violent victimization. Consistent with these theoretical claims, the effect of religiosity is not direct, but instead occurs indirectly primarily through its influence on self-reported delinquency and peer deviance.  相似文献   
118.
119.
One of the most prominent claims to emerge from the field of public opinion is that citizens can vote for candidates whose issue positions best reflect their own beliefs even when they cannot remember previously learned stances associated with the candidates. The current experiment provides a unique and powerful examination of this claim by determining whether individuals with profound amnesia, whose severe memory impairments prevent them from remembering specific issue information associated with any particular candidate, can vote for candidates whose issue positions come closest to their own political views. We report here that amnesic patients, despite not being able to remember any issue information, consistently voted for candidates with favored political positions. Thus, sound voting decisions do not require recall or recognition of previously learned associations between candidates and their issue positions. This result supports a multiple memory systems model of political decision making.  相似文献   
120.
Procedural cartel theory states that the majority party exerts influence over legislative outcomes through agenda control. This research tests predictions from the party cartel theory in five state legislatures. I assess party influence through comparison of term‐limited and nonterm‐limited legislators. I argue that term‐limited legislators (who are not seeking elective office) are no longer susceptible to party pressure, making them the perfect means to determine the existence of party influence. The results demonstrate that party influence is present in these legislatures. I find that party influence is magnified on the procedural, rather than final‐passage, voting record which is precisely where procedural cartel theory predicts. I find lower levels of ideological consistency and party discipline among members for whom the party leadership offers the least—those leaving elective office. These results provide support for party cartel theory, demonstrating further evidence of how parties matter in modern democracies.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号