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871.
The combination of a tradition of arbitrary royal government and popular intolerance, with the existence of extensive, unitary and highly centralized institutions of government, and with the dominance of government by a single, reformist party for more than a half century would seem a potent recipe for governmental abuse of individual and minority group rights. That is especially true in the absence of the formal constitutional safeguards used to preserve rights elsewhere Yet the Nordic democracies have in fact proved exemplary in protecting civil liberties Why? This article challenges the view that Nordic political societies are consensual historically or by nature, and it describes the limited traditional institutional checks on abuse of individual and minority rights by government Instead it finds the basis for the Nordic democracies' excellent record in civil liberties in the combination of (1) the development of new, non-traditional institutional checks on government. (2) the use of direct democracy as a check on parliamentary majorities. (3) the pervasive use of corporatist channels encompassing the major oppositional interest groups to draft and implement legislation, and (4) the effective constraints placed on decisions by parliamentary majorities by the pattern of fierce partisanship in the finely balanced parliamentary party constellation These protections for individual and minority liberties arise primarily from the assumption that basic conflicts of interest are a fact of political life and that they should be institutionalized. 相似文献
872.
There is no shortage of warnings concerning the hazards of excessive ambition in consciously-pursued public policy. In the light of these cautions, this paper considers the appropriate ambitions for policy design. The critics have missed the target. There is no need to fear ambition in policy design, provided that openness in communications about policy is secured. 相似文献
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874.
It is worth repeating that causality testing is a very complex task. The diversity of views on interpreting the definition of causality and on the methods for testing causality highlight this issue. In our study, we cite an excellent article which provides a detailed critique of various problems associated with causality tests (see Conway, et al., 1984). It would appear that Chowdhury's comment draws very strong conclusions and fails to consider some of the complex theoretical issues regarding causality tests as well as important data problems pertaining to state and local governments. Moreover, we find it somewhat curious that, given the strong similarities in our two studies, Chowdhury prefers to dwell on the mechanics of an alternative technique rather than concentrate on the fact that his alternative technique yields supporting results to our 1987 paper on the tax-spend hypothesis.The views expressed are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily represent those of the U.S. Department of Treasury. 相似文献
875.
We would like to thank our colleagues Nancy Snyder and William Terrell for comments and suggestions. The assistance of Ron Farha and Michael Webb is gratefully acknowledged, as is the patience of the staff in the Elections Office of the Office of the Secretary of State, Topeka, Kansas. Any errors or omissions are, of course, the responsibility of the authors. 相似文献
876.
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879.
Using a new series of data on occupational fatalities compiled by the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, the authors reassess value-of-life calculations based on labor market tradeoffs between fatality risks and wages. The new data are less subject to the problems of measurement error that plague previously used measures of risk. They indicate higher risk levels than previously believed and a significantly different composition of risk levels within industries. The more comprehensive risk data yield value-of-life estimates of $5 million or more—at least twice as large as estimates obtained using the Bureau of Labor Statistics risk data employed in previous studies. 相似文献
880.
This study examines the achievement of autonomy by a sample of 30 midly learning handicapped and 30 nonhandicapped adolescents. From participant observation over the course of a school year, a detailed account was obtained about the life of each subject, both in the home and among friends outside the home. Findings suggest that autonomy is achieved through a gradual process of negotiation during the high school years. The mildly handicapped adolescents generally lag behind their regular education counterparts in breaking away from the family. While almost three-fourths of the nonhandicapped sample had made significant gains toward increased freedom, less than half of the mildly handicapped sample had shed close supervision by parents. However, most of the handicapped adolescents were satisfied with the limited freedom they had. The data suggest that autonomy should be understood as relative to the needs and abilities of each individual. Not all adolescents develop at the same pace; not all feel the same desire to assert their independence from their parents when they reach a particular age.This research was supported by Grant HD23097 from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.Received his Ph.D. from the University of California, Irvine. Current interest is the adjustment problems of mildly learning handicapped adolescents.Received her Ed.D. from Columbia University. Current interest is social competence of mildly learning handicapped populations and family adjustment. 相似文献