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201.
Michael H. Creswell 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2019,42(5):464-492
For America's foes in Afghanistan and the Middle East, triumph on the battlefield is less important than winning the battle of perceptions. In response, the United States has turned to Strategic Communication and Public Diplomacy (SC-PD) to engage key audiences in ways that advance U.S. interests and to win the political-ideological contest for domestic and international legitimacy. But are these strategies effective? While winning hearts and minds is politically important, SC-PD—even at its best—is much less effective than other well-crafted and mutually supportive policies and strategies. Moreover, there are structural obstacles that greatly limit the effectiveness of SC-PD. 相似文献
202.
In Europe, it is relatively uncommon to find studies that investigate the criminal profiles of violent offenders, especially infrequent are those that pay special attention to offenders’ mental health/substance use disorders and histories of violence during childhood. The current research explores whether inmates who are incarcerated for violent offenses (n = 536) in Spain are different in terms of the aforementioned factors as compared to inmates incarcerated for non-violent offenses (n = 536). Multivariate logistic regression analysis revealed that violent offenders, as compared to their non-violent counterparts, were more likely to be younger, younger at the time of their first arrest, single, use alcohol, receive treatment in prison for anxiety or schizophrenia, and report physical abuse during childhood. 相似文献
203.
Using the 2017 post-election German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), this article examines the voters for the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election. We show that AfD voters in 2017 were truly ‘flesh of the same flesh’ of the mainstream German political parties, with the AfD drawing its voters from across the political party spectrum as well as from previous non-voters in 2013. In contrast to previous scholarship, we find that in most respects AfD voters in 2017 did not differ demographically from voters for all other parties, be that in terms of gender, education, employment status, and union membership. Furthermore, we find that AfD voters were not driven by anxiety about their own economic situation: they are no ‘losers of globalisation.’ Instead, AfD voters in 2017 were driven solely by two factors: their attitudes towards immigrants/refugees and anti-establishment sentiment/satisfaction with democracy in Germany. 相似文献
204.
Michael J. Cleveland Mark E. Feinberg Mark T. Greenberg 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(2):114-126
This study used data from a sample of 6th to 12th grade students (N = 48,641, 51% female), nested in 192 schools, to determine if the influence of family-based protective factors varied across
different school contexts. Hierarchical logistic regression models were used to examine the effects of individual-level family
protective factors, relative to school-level aggregates of the same factors, on recent (past 30 days) use of cigarettes, alcohol,
and marijuana. Cross-level interactions indicated that the effect of the student’s level of family protection, relative to
other students in their school, differed depending on the aggregated school level of family protection. The results suggested
that the benefit of belonging to a well-functioning family was more influential for students attending schools characterized
by higher-than-average aggregated levels of protection compared to students attending schools of lower-than-average protection.
Thus, family-level factors offered less protection for students in relatively high-risk school contexts. These results were
consistent with a protective–reactive interaction and suggest that a thorough understanding of adolescent substance use must
consider the complex interplay among adolescents, their families, and their social environments. 相似文献
205.
Hyeouk Chris Hahm Yoona Lee Al Ozonoff Michael J. Van Wert 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(5):528-540
The purpose of this study was to investigate how different types of child maltreatment, independently and collectively, impact
a wide range of risk behaviors that fall into three domains: sexual risk behaviors, delinquency, and suicidality. Cumulative
classification and Expanded Hierarchical Type (EHT) classification approaches were used to categorize various types of maltreatment.
Data were derived from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). Our sample consisted
of White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian females ages 18 to 27 (n = 7,576). Experiencing different kinds of maltreatment during childhood led to an extensive range of risk behaviors within
the three identified domains. Women experiencing sexual abuse plus other maltreatment types had the poorest outcomes in all
three domains. These findings illustrate that it may no longer be appropriate to assume that all types of maltreatment are
equivalent in their potential contribution to negative developmental sequelae. 相似文献
206.
207.
The review essay takes stock of the last decade of decentralisation and regionalisation research in Central and South Eastern Europe. Classifying the existing scholarship with regard to its focus of analysis, its explanatory programme, and methodological predilections, we suggest to distinguish three different agendas: system transformation, EU conditionality and subnational governance. We argue that scholarly interest in regionalisation and decentralisation issues from the perspective of state transformation or Europeanisation is vanishing. Instead, we witness the emergence of a subnational governance approach which is rooted in comparative politics and policy analysis. The debate about decentralisation and regionalisation in CEEC is thus in a process of “normalising” and converging with the Western European subnational political discourse. 相似文献
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210.
Michael J. Ensley 《Public Choice》2009,138(1-2):221-238
Individual citizens are the largest source of contributions for congressional candidates in the United States. This paper investigates if and how fundraising from this source is related to the ideological positions of candidates. Specifically, we ask whether the amount of contributions depends on: (1) the extremity of candidate ideology; and (2) the level of candidate divergence in the same race. These results have important implications for candidate positioning strategies, as well as for evaluating the effects of recent campaign finance reforms. 相似文献