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A retrospective study was carried out on 132 fatalities due to gunshot wounds secondary to long firearms. One group of suicide (n=72) and one group of homicide (n=60) were statistically compared regarding age and sex of the victim, number of shots, range of fire, direction of the projectile(s), anatomical distribution of entrance sites, weapon and ammunition types and the nature of eventual associated traumatic lesions. The frequency of suicide was higher when the victim's age increased. Females constituted about 43% of the homicide victims and about 8% of the suicide victims. 51.5% of the homicide victims and about 10% of the suicide victims had sustained more than one gunshot wound. Close range was respectively found in 53.5% of the homicide cases and in all suicide cases. Most of the suicide cases (85% of the cases) showed typical entrance sites. Entrance sites in the limbs and lateral or posterior wall of the chest were only encountered in homicide cases. Associated traumatic lesions were found in about 23% of the homicide cases and in 18% of the suicide cases. In case of suicidal gunshots to the left chest, both upwards and downwards directions, and also both right-to-left and left-to-right directions can occur. From 22 suicide cases showing entrance wound in the mouth, a downwards direction was found in only one. This study underlines the importance but also the limits of the autopsy findings (including direction of the projectile(s) related to the entrance site) for giving an indication of the manner of death (homicide vs. suicide).  相似文献   
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A previous study conducted in 1995 showed that psychoactive drug use by workers was higher in safety/security workstations than in the rest of the labour force. In order to verify this finding, we conducted a new study in 2003-2004 in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region, restricted to truck drivers. The aim of this study was to allow harmonizing the professional practice of the occupational physicians, proposing drug prevention and drug testing policies, validating the analytical methods and the guidelines in case of positive testing results. One thousand truck drivers were studied. Urines were tested for amphetamines, cannabinoids, cocaine, opiates, benzodiazepines, buprenorphine and methadone by immunoassay. Urine ethanol determinations were performed by an ADH method. Positive urines for drugs of abuse, methadone or buprenorphine were then tested by gas chromatography or liquid chromatography coupled to mass spectrometry. Out of the 1000 drivers, cannabinoids were detected in 85 cases, opiates in 41 cases, amphetamines in 3 cases and cocaine in only one case. Buprenorphine was detected in 18 cases, methadone in 5 cases and benzodiazepines in 4 cases. Urine ethanol was positive in 50 cases. We found only one case with 6-monoacetylmorphine. Other positive opiates were metabolites of antitussives. The relatively low number of benzodiazepine positive urines could be explained by the lack of sensitivity of the test we used. All these results confirm those of the previous study for cannabinoids and ethanol in safety/security workstations. Positive results for methadone and buprenorphine are eight times higher than in the general population. In conclusion, the authors think that it will be of a great interest to test urine of truck drivers for other classes of psychoactive drugs, using a liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry method.  相似文献   
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This article explores the concepts of social identity and fear in the Arab East, namely in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and among Palestinians living in these countries. Its theoretical framework is composed of two major conceptions: individuals’ perceptions of their social and political identity-affiliation and inter-intra-group relations. It is asserted that the feeling of fear and antipathy in the Arab East creates or supports confessional individual identity and group affiliation. The findings, which are construed through survey analysis, support the arguments that secterian groups are basic actors in the politics of the Arab East and that all political analysis that negates their influence as identity units is superficial. The survey results discredit the argument that the feeling of belonging to confessional groups is anomalous, anachronistic, and evanescent. On the contrary, the minority identity has never been obliterated in the Arab East, and these minorities carry the potential of asserting a real threat to regime stability and to the political order. These threats, though they seem dormant at times, are very much alive and should not be discounted. Michel G. Nehme is an assistant professor at American University of Beirut, Department of Political Studies and Public Administration, PO Box 11-0236, Beirut, Lebanon  相似文献   
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In 2011, Canadian Members of Parliament refused to transfer a regulatory initiative taken from Argentina that would have required an analysis of potential harm to export markets before authorizing the sale of any new genetically modified seed. This was the purpose of Bill C‐474, which was defeated in the House of Commons. After exploring Argentina's regulatory framework as a source of transfer, this paper combines a multilevel analysis with a typology of policy transfer mechanisms in order to address the complexities underlying this unsuccessful attempt. We explore how the mechanisms of competition and coercion might have impeded the transfer of such an initiative at the international and the macro‐state levels. Moreover, while a policy transfer network in support of the bill called on previous experiences with genetically modified seeds, their efforts appear to have been outweighed by another network using arguments based on the mechanisms of competition, coercion, and mimicry.  相似文献   
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Traditionally, the virtue of democratic elections has been seen in their role as means of screening and sanctioning shirking public officials. This article proposes a novel rationale for elections and political campaigns considering that candidates incur psychological costs of lying, in particular from breaking campaign promises. These nonpecuniary costs imply that campaigns influence subsequent behavior, even in the absence of reputational or image concerns. Our lab experiments reveal that promises are more than cheap talk. They influence the behavior of both voters and their representatives. We observe that the electorate is better off when their leaders are elected democratically rather than being appointed exogenously—but only in the presence of electoral campaigns. In addition, we find that representatives are more likely to serve the public interest when their approval rates are high. Altogether, our results suggest that elections and campaigns confer important benefits beyond their screening and sanctioning functions.  相似文献   
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This paper discusses the changeover to single currency in the European Union and provides a preliminary analysis of the timing and nature of the steps to be taken by financial institutions. It uses data from the literature and a recent survey of financial institutions operating in Europe to provide an overall view on conversion issues that both these institutions and policy-makers are facing. This paper could therefore serve as a background for future studies that pertain to the strategies of individual financial institutions, their competitive positioning for the long term, and their attempts to minimize their cost of conversion in the short term. The European Currency Unit, by virtue of its design, is a viable candidate for use as the single currency. Its current status in member countries shows that it meets the basic “money” criteria but that legal obstacles have kept it from wider use. However, these legal obstacles are being lifted. Financial institutions should start planning for potential implementation problems. The analysis of conversion costs categorized by product/service and by function shows that the move to single currency requires financial institutions to modify selected functions within a very short period of time. A lengthy dual currency period on all functions would cause duplication of efforts and large losses to banks. There are other intangible costs and benefits that are social and political, which are associated with the changeover. These are touched upon and discussed briefly in the context of the motivation behind the European Monetary Union.  相似文献   
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