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Conclusion The discussion above remains only one example of a local government responding to the pressures of increasing scarcity in budgetary resources and in several senses increasing policy tasks. In Liverpool's case those increasing tasks have to a considerable extent been self inflicted, as a socialist council pursues policies that fly in the face of national government policy. While budgetary restraint and the response of Liverpool Council have not resulted in major reform, the restrictive nature of central government regulation has led to a major and national debate on the sovereignty of the local as against the national state. To some extent, in Liverpool at least, there has been a cultural reform in the past few years that has produced considerable public support for a series of socialist reactive policies. The style of policy making in the period is affected by an ideologically committed party that for better or worse has accepted a brand of democratic centralism as a vital mechanism to achieve extremely ambitious aims in deleterious circumstances. The success of this brand of politics and policies is unproven. But one thing is certain. Liverpool local politics will remain in the foreseeable future a hotbed of ideological zeal and resistance to central dictat, an ongoing thorn in the side of national monetarist policies and a continuing reminder that localgovernment in Britain still has some life left in it. Unfortunately, the role of the law in all this is capable of being seen as merely repressive, as Parliament passes statutes imposing increasing restrictions upon local authorities and councillors and the courts are called upon to implement them.Assisted by Robina S. Dexter, Current Developments Editor.  相似文献   
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Several different explanations of policy change based on notions of learning have emerged in the policy literature to challenge conventional conflict-oriented theories. These include notions of political-learning developed by Heclo, policy-oriented learning developed by Sabatier, lesson-drawing analyzed by Rose, social learning discussed by Hall and government learning identified by Etheredge. These different concepts identify different actors and different effects with each different type of learning. Some elements of these theories are compatible, while others are not. This article examines each approach in terms of who learns, what they learn, and the effects of learning on subsequent policies. The conclusion is that three distinct types of learning have often been incorrectly juxtaposed. Certain conceptual, theoretical and methodological difficulties attend any attempt to attribute policy change to policy learning, but this does not detract from the important reorientation of policy analysis that this approach represents.  相似文献   
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Using the SRC/CPS's national election surveys from 1956 to 1976, this paper investigates the effect of education on consistency among the public's domestic policy opinions. Evidence from both gamma correlations and factor analysis indicates that education has neither a strong nor a linear effect on issue constraint over the 20 years covered by the data, for the lowest and the highest education strata consistently show the highest levels of constraint. We do not conclude, however, that education is unrelated to recognition of ideological concepts, for almost one-half of the lowest education stratum do not use liberal and conservative terms. We conclude that issue constraint does not directly translate into ideology and suggest some new directions that future research should take if we are to evaluate effectively the effect of education on opinion structuring.A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the 1978 Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.  相似文献   
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From a liberal perspective, policies designed to permit the participation of minorities in national institutions while retaining their cultural particularities are justified either on the grounds that culture has a particular importance or on the basis of equal treatment of individuals. This paper argues that such policies, while not without benefits, have at least the potential to compromise the perceived neutrality of an important state institution. It focuses on the Canadian decision to permit the use of religious symbols as part of the uniform of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Advocates of such policies focus only on their benefits and ignore the potential difficulties; the paper argues that a more balanced assessment is required, one which weights advantages and disadvantages.  相似文献   
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In recent years there has been considerable debate over the legal and ethical issues associated with posthumous reproduction. This article analyses recent cases and legal regulation of reproductive technologies in Australia. The issues associated with posthumous reproduction are explored through a consideration of the nature of an individual's interest in their reproductive material. The suitability of a property-based model as a means of conceptualising interests in reproductive material is explored. The article concludes that the issues in this area need to be analysed in terms of autonomy interests that are understood relationally.  相似文献   
448.
Privatisation Vouchers in Russia were heavily invested in the holders' own firms. Using data from a recent survey, we show that insider control in firms privatised in 1992-4 through the voucher process (as distinct from the earlier leased buy-out method) is insecure and dependent on managers' support. For employees, investment in insider control appears to have been motivated by employment income insurance rather than expected excess returns on the equity. Managers are predominantly the same individuals as before privatisation and display considerable hostility to outside investors, probably because they fear dismissal should outsiders gain control. Despite insider control, firms are shedding labour quite rapidly through voluntary resignations. Employment dynamics appear to be unrelated to insider equity ownership.  相似文献   
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