A time course study on STR profiles derived from human bone, muscle, and bone marrow.

The use of the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) to define deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) types at several loci was investigated. PCR was used to amplify nine short tandem repeat (STR) loci along with the amelogenin locus on the X and Y chromosomes using the AmpF/STR Profiler Plus PCR amplification kit (Perkin Elmer). Rib bones were collected from 12 individuals. Five cm portions were buried at a depth of approximately 30 cm and 5 cm portions were left on the surface of the ground. Samples were exposed to the environment for periods of time ranging from two weeks to 17 months. Dried blood standards were prepared for use as reference standards for each rib sample. Bone, muscle, and bone marrow were collected from each sample. DNA from each tissue type was extracted. Complete profile results were obtained from the surface bone samples out to an exposure time of 17 months. None of the muscle or bone marrow samples produced complete profile results beyond eight weeks. All DNA typing results from complete or incomplete profiles were consistent with DNA typing results of the corresponding blood standard. Results suggest that using the AmpF/STR Profiler Plus PCR Amplification Kit is a valid way to establish the DNA profile of tissue types from human remains.     

The determinants of structural changes in public budgets: a theoretical and empirical analysis for the Federal Republic of Germany

Abstract. Since there is no generally accepted and satisfactory theory that can explain structural changes in public budgets over time, this article focuses on the determinants of the budget structure and its changes over time. Thus, it would already be an improvement in the development of a complex and coherent theory of budgetary structures and its changes if initially appropriate variables could be identified which could explain in the short, intermediate and long runs the structural changes in public budgets with respect to the various governmental levels. Potential candidates for explaining structural changes could be socio-economic, political and institutional variables. These sets of variables will be analyzed here in detail for the Federal Republic of Germany for the time period 1964–1978. The results are very similar to those found in various U.S. studies. In comparably developed nations with similar political (federal) structures, institutional factors seem to play the dominant role in determining and explaining changes in the budgetary structure.     

Public choice theory and petroleum policies in Canada, Britain and Norway

Abstract. It is assumed that the development of an economically promising resource such as petroleum would be amenable to analysis from an economic viewpoint, and that government initiatives in this area might reveal the essential economic interests of the state. If governments are assumed to have similar economic and political objectives (i.e., to attain the greatest revenues possible from the exploitation of a depleting natural resource and to maintain public office), then it is to be expected that the petroleum policy outputs in various states would likewise be similar. Such differences as do exist should be amenable to explanation by examining the differences in the political constraints and economic situations of the states in question. The study models petroleum policy in four areas: state participation, pricing, depletion (including exploration and production policies), and fiscal arrangements, based on assumptions central to public choice theory. A comparison of policy outputs in the three case states illustrates the usefulness of the public choice approach to comparative policy analysis.     

Temporal Influences of Family Structure and Family Risk Factors on Drug Use Initiation in a Multiethnic Sample of Adolescent Boys

This study examines the effects of family structure and family environments on the initiation of illicit drug use among a sample of U.S.- and foreign-born Hispanic/Latino, African American, and White non-Hispanic adolescent boys (N = 3413). Bivariate and multivariate analyses with longitudinal data, three years, were used to assess transitional/temporal influences of family variables on the initiation of illicit drug use. Findings revealed large differences in family structure among the three race/ethnic groups. African American adolescents report the lowest incidence of illicit drug use initiation, and the weakest effects of family structure and environment on substance use. Cumulative effects of family risk factors were strongly associated with increased probabilities of illicit drug use initiation, but there were temporal as well as race/ethnic variations on these effects. Deteriorating changes in family environments were stronger predictors of the initiation of drug use among Hispanic immigrants than nonimmigrants, and family socioeconomic status was a predictor for immigrant Hispanics only. The relationship between family structure and drug use initiation varied in the context of temporal indicators of family environments, and the accumulation of family risk factors was a stronger predictor of illicit drug initiation than family structure.     

Rethinking regional planning

He is a past visiting scholar at Rutgers’ Center for Urban Policy Research, where he did research for this article. He has written widely on topics of regional and environmental land use.     

Fundamentalism revisited

His main interests and professional publications focus on problems in sociological theory, cultural aspects of global change, and various sociocultural movements.     

The Canada Council as a public body

Abstract. This paper examines the problems encountered by the Canada Council in defining its status, and particularly its relationships with government and with its clientele, during its first twenty-one years. It deals primarily with the Council's experience in the support of the humanities and social sciences. The Council was created as a public body, in some respects resembling a government agency, but in others more like a private foundation. In its dealings with the academic community, the Council's public status made it more susceptible to criticism by scholars, especially after 1965 when growing revenues gave it a near-monopoly in support of research and scholarship. Failure to develop adequate links with that community in its first eight years led to persistent demands from scholars for a new organization, and increased the Council's vulnerability to a changing government view of its role. Although the introduction of annual appropriations in 1966 necessitated a new working relationship with the government, this was accomplished initially with no loss of the Council's autonomy. From the late sixties on, however, the Council experienced growing difficulty in maintaining an arm's-length relationship with the government in the face of persistent efforts to subsume its policies and priorities within a unified framework of government objectives. The paper argues that, in the support of scholarship and the arts, the public interest is better served by the original concept on which the Canada Council was based, namely as a public but non-governmental organization. Sommaire. L'auteur de cet article étudie les problèmes qu'a rencontré le Conseil des Arts en voulant définir son statut, et plus particulièrement ses rapports avec le gouvernement et avec sa clientèle, pendant ses vingt-et-une années d'existence. II porte une attention particulière à l'expérience du Conseil du point de vue de l'aide apportée aux humanités et aux sciences sociales. A sa création, le Conseil était une institution publique qui, d'un certain point de vue, ressemblait à un organisme gouvernemental mais qui, aussi à d'autres égards se rapprochait davantage d'une fondation privée. Dans ses rapports avec la communauté universitaire, le statut public du Conseil se prêtait à la critique des universitaires, particulièrement après 1965, lorsque l'augmentation de ses revenue Iui donna le quasi-monopole des bourses et des subventions. Le Conseil n'ayant pas réussi àétablir des relations satisfaisantes avec cette communauté durant les huit premieres années, les universitaires réclamèrent avec beaucoup de persistence un nouvel organisme, ce qui ne fit qu'accroître la vulnérabilité du Conseil à une nouvelle perception de son rôle de la part du gouvernement. Bien que l'introduction, en 1966, d'appropriations annuelles ait nécessité de nouvelles relations de travail avec le gouvernement, ceci s'est fait initialement sans que le Conseil ne perde son autonomie. Toutefois, à partir de la fin des années 60, le Conseil éprouva de plus en plus de difficultés à garder ses distances par rapport au le gouvernement, alors que celui-ci s'efforçait, avec beaucoup de persistance, de canaliser ses politiques et ses priorités dans un cadre unifié d'objectifs gouvernementaux. L'auteur soutient qu'en ce qui concerne le support à l'enseignement et à la recherche, l'intérêt du public est mieux servi par le concept original sur lequel le Conseil des Arts était fondé, c'est-à-dire celui d'un organisme public mais non-gouvernemental.