Decision-making in the federal cabinet

Abstract. The growing interest in federal government decision-making likely flows from increasing scepticism about decisions reached in secret. Decision-making under Mackenzie King largely followed the oral tradition. Proposals went first to full cabinet; only if disagreement resulted were they referred to the usually ad hoc committees. Interdepartmental committees of officials were prevalent. These features persisted under St-Laurent and Diefenbaker, although under them decision-making centred more in the prime minister than before. Under Pearson, efforts were made to develop the cabinet committee system and to require advance notice and documentation before items appeared on the agenda. The Trudeau cabinet has been characterized by the application of the principle of collegiality. Detailed scrutiny of proposals is the rule. Documentation includes full discussion of alternatives, of financial and federal-provincial implications, and of caucus consultations. Generally, proposals go first to committee. Where there is consensus, the prime minister ascertains at a subsequent cabinet meeting whether there is any disagreement. An important innovation is the priorities exercise, which, contrary to the usual process, establishes a general course to be implemented subsequently by particular proposals. The Trudeau approach requires ministers as never before to become knowledgeable about their own and other departments. The result is less dependence on civil servants for policy guidance. It is erroneous to view this reinforcement of collective responsibility as centralization of power in the prime minister's hands. The systemization of government decision-making, in which caucus consultation is more important than before, requires a parallel systemization of the procedure of the final decision-making body, Parliament. Sommaire. L'intérêt grandissant à l'égard du processus de décision du gouvernement fédéral tient sans doute à la montée du scepticisme qu'inspirent les décisions prises à huis clos. Sous Mackenzie King, les décisions, le plus souvent verbales, n'étaient pour ainsi dire consignées nulle part. Les propositions, d'abord présentées au cabinet, étaient renvoyées à des comités spéciaux qu'en cas de désaccord. Or, à l'époque, les comités interministériels de fonctionnaires dominaient la scène politique. Les gouvernements St-Laurent et Diefenbaker conservèrent les mêmes pratiques, mais en renforçant le rôle du Premier ministre. C'est sous l'administration Pearson que furent jetées les bases du système des comités du cabinet et que l'on commença à exiger préavis et documentation avant de porter une question à l'ordre du jour.     

Community involvement in constructing village health buildings in Uganda and Sierra Leone

Three public health projects in Uganda and Sierra Leone are used to illustrate a new approach to construction of health buildings in villages. Emphasis is placed on community involvement. The health projects were comprehensive and relied on health education, employment of local village health workers, and establishment of village health committees. The objective of community involvement was described as encouragement of people to change their own diets and living conditions. This approach to primary health care is considered to be a strong basis for sustainable social development. Each of the three communities initiated the building projects slightly differently. There was a range of structures: traditional meeting halls, simple rooms with imported materials and a pit latrine, new buildings combining local and imported materials and labor, new nontraditional buildings, rehabilitated existing nontraditional buildings with imported labor and materials, and temporary mobile clinics. Community involvement was at different levels. All three projects were the result of a combined effort of national governments or mission hospitals, nongovernmental organizations, and the host community. The following should be considered before beginning construction: a suitable site, appropriate staff accommodation, the likely motivation of the host community, seasonality, local materials available, availability of skilled labor, and design. A plan of work during construction should include a building design, site supervision, transportation of local and non-local materials, unskilled labor, and skilled labor. Village health committees with or without government help would be responsible for maintenance of buildings after construction. A key feature of this approach is the assessment of the community's ability and capacity to contribute.     

The Moral Minority: Evangelical Protestants in Northern Ireland and Their Political Behaviour

It has long been asserted that strong evangelical religious beliefs underpin strong unionist and loyalist political attitudes in Northern Ireland. Although recent literature has argued for a wide diversity of political attitudes amongst evangelicals, this has not been quantified. Based on analysis of the 1991 Northern Irish Social Attitudes Survey and the 1998 Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this article argues that evangelicals are attitudinally different to other Protestants in Northern Ireland. However, their distinctiveness arises from their conservative moral attitudes and not, as widely claimed, from stronger unionist political values. Indeed, in terms of party identification, in 1991 evangelicals were less likely than other Protestants to support the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). And although there has been a small shift towards the DUP over the course of the 1990s, it is not due to any strengthening of the unionism of evangelicals, but rather the increasing importance of moral conservatism in predicting voters' party choice in Northern Ireland.     

Beyond Territorial Contiguity: Issues at Stake in Democratic Militarized Interstate Disputes

Scholars of international politics have been slow to address the fundamental issues that ground interstate conflict. Territory has frequently been cited as a primary source of contention among states, but it remains only one issue and not even the one most prevalent in the post–World War II time period. We take the first step toward understanding the broader theoretical link between regime type, issues, and militarized conflict by collecting new data on the issues in dispute between democracies from 1946 to 1992. We findthat (1) a large proportion of the militarized disputes between democracies in the post-WWII period involve fisheries, maritime boundaries, and resources of the sea, (2) well-established democracies are able to remove territory as a contentious issue among them, (3) disputes between democracies have become less severe and shorter in duration over time, and (4) a majority of the post-WWII militarized disputes between democracies are not resolved. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these empirical findings for the democraticpeace literature.     

The impact of legal constraints on voter registration,turnout, and the composition of the American electorate

Research on the effects of restrictive voter registration laws has been largely passé for nearly a decade, apparently due to the widespread acceptance of Wolfinger and Rosenstone's (1980) study of voter turnout. Wolfinger and Rosenstone's research indicates that fully liberalized registration laws would produce a larger voting population, which would differ only marginally in its composition from the existing electorate. But their analysis only addresses turnout, not registration itself, and is based on a single sample of the American electorate, 1972. This paper focuses on the impact of restrictive laws on registration and turnout in presidential and nonpresidential election years during the period 1972–1982, relying on data from both the U.S. Census Bureau's Current Population Surveys and the National Election Studies. The results of the analyses do mark important points of difference from Wolfinger and Rosenstone's findings. Ultimately, however, there is no escaping their conclusion that the implications of liberalized voter registration laws on the composition of the electorate would be relatively minor.     

It's About Time: The Lifespan of Information Effects in a Multiweek Campaign

I advance a theoretical and empirical framework that puts time and thus the temporal dynamics of candidate evaluation front and center in order to advance our understanding of the lifespan of information effects while enhancing the external validity of our experimental approaches. With these temporal properties in mind, I designed a “panel experiment” with research conducted over 12 weeks. This represents the first experimental approach to combine control over information exposure with attention to information processing throughout the course of a multiweek campaign. Against the backdrop of partisanship, empirical tests assess the ability of transient exposure to issue and character information to produce effects that endure beyond the moment the information is encountered either via memory‐based or on‐line processes. Findings reveal a remarkably limited role for enduring information effects and suggest a “rapid displacement” model of information processing where new information quickly displaces the accumulated stockpile of old information.     

Government set-asides,minority business development,and public contracting: introduction

Race-conscious affirmative action programs have been a part of American life for nearly three decades. Race-conscious set-asides are the latest government programs implemented to alleviate the adverse economic impact of racial discrimination and to foster minority business development. Minority business enterprises (MBEs) have been the specific targets of federal, state, and local government enacted set-aside programs with the principal purpose of overcoming the continuing effects of earlier discrimination. Government set-aside programs may be classified as “hard ball” affirmative action programs because they “provide absolute references to members of designated minority groups.⁽¹⁾     

Lords and Leg Cos: Two Second Chamber Sagas

New Zealand's approach to second chambers is best described as mercy killing which works well in a smaller polity where the first chamber can take up the burdens a second chamber would have helped to carry. Now, 50 years later, New Zealand has discovered the added benefit that proportional representation produces many of the bonuses claimed for second chambers and adds more. In Britain's bigger, tradition encrusted polity we are making a mess of reform of the House of Lords. The House of Commons is not capable of taking on the extra work the abolition of the Lords would require. So the peers stagger on. Labour made easy promises of modernisation, democratisation and the abolition of the hereditary peers without thinking any of it through and is now grappling with the consequences. Accidentally we have ended up with a very effective second chamber but a temporary one. Having released the democratic beast from its cage we seem set to upset this balance to create a hybrid House which will be mainly elected. Unless there is a belated decision to leave well alone.     

Disentangling the Crime-arrest Relationship: The Influence of Social Context

Drawing on the economic and conflict perspectives of crime control, as well as insights from the tipping effect literature, the present investigation examines the extent to which the social context within which potential offenders operate tempers the macro-level, reciprocal relationship between crime and arrests. We use autoregressive integrated moving average techniques to assess the extent to which the April 2001 race-related riot in Cincinnati, Ohio conditions the reciprocal relationship between property crime and arrests for the entire city and disaggregated by police district. Consistent with a majority of prior longitudinal studies, our analyses for the entire length of the times series reveal no evidence of an association between our measures of crime and arrest, regardless of the level of spatial aggregation. In contrast to the results from our baseline models, the post-riot transfer function models indicate that there is a reciprocal association between crime and arrests that is contingent upon the social context. The implications of our findings for the further study of the reciprocal relationship between crime and arrests are discussed.