全文获取类型
收费全文 | 97篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 28篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 23篇 |
外交国际关系 | 8篇 |
法律 | 24篇 |
政治理论 | 20篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 7篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 22篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 3篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有108条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
91.
Ada Chigozie Akadiri Hasan Gungor Seyi Saint Akadiri Mojibola Bamidele‐Sadiq 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2020,20(2)
This study examines causal nexus between foreign direct investment (FDI) and economic growth for 25 African countries within a model that also takes into consideration trade openness using more recent panel data set over the period 1980–2018. We used panel bootstrapping cointegration techniques that account for cross‐sectional dependence to test whether there is a long‐run cointegration relationship or not. The Granger causality approach is employed to conduct predictive analysis among the panel series. Our findings indicate the presence of a long‐run equilibrium nexus between the variables, and we found a bidirectional causality between foreign direct investment, trade openness, and economic growth. This study provides an insight for governments and policymakers in this region to restructure FDI and trade policies in such a way that its positive spillover would spread across the rural areas and local firms, thereby leading to an all‐inclusive sustainable economic growth and development of African countries in the long run. 相似文献
92.
Why and how do individuals residing in relatively peaceful and affluent Western societies come to embrace extremist ideologies that emanate from distant places? We summarize the most recent empirical literature on the causes and dynamics of radicalization, and evaluate the state of the art in the study of Islamist homegrown extremism in the West. We propose a theoretical synthesis based on four factors that come together to produce violent radicalization: personal and collective grievances, networks and interpersonal ties, political and religious ideologies, and enabling environments and support structures. We propose adopting a “puzzle” metaphor that represents a multifactor and contextualized approach to understanding how ordinary individuals transform into violent extremists. We concluded with three recommendations to strengthen the empirical foundations of radicalization studies. 相似文献
93.
Faruk Asicioglu M.D. Ph.D. Tugba Tekin M.Sc. Nil Ozbek Ph.D. Filiz Ekim Cevik Ph.D. Mustafa Ozcan Ph.D. Linton A. Mohammed Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(6):1898-1905
Disappearing inks can be used for forgeries in many fields. In this study, thymolphthalein indicator solution was prepared as a disappearing ink. A total of 54 different solutions containing thymolphthalein were prepared at six different concentrations and nine different pH values. Among the prepared solutions, 0.16 g/50 mL and 0.32 g/65 mL thymolphthalein at pH 14 were the optimum solutions that were not distinguishable from regular ink when applied to promissory note. Fountain pens were filled with the abovementioned ink solutions and applied to promissory notes for experimental purposes. After 40 h, ink residues were not visible on promissory notes written with the ink with the optimum pH (pH = 14) value. To decipher the entries that disappeared, an instrumental method (Video Spectral Comparator‐8000) and a chemical method (using NH3 vapor) were used, succeeded at 0.32 g/65 mL, but failed at 0.16 g/50 mL thymolphthalein. Therefore, NH3 had to be sprayed for 0.16 g/50 mL with negligible harm. 相似文献
94.
Israel and China have quietly developed a significant arms trade since the 1970s. This article examines the history of the development of the Israel-China arms trade, its ramifications for wider international relations including those between the US and Israel, the US and China, and also foreign policy implications for China and the Middle-East. 相似文献
95.
Film production has for a long time been a prominent medium for Palestinians to resist Israeli occupation and create a cultural memory. Though there are some academic studies on the subject, a critical framework of analysis for such films remains underdeveloped. This article argues that Palestinian film production has surged particularly in recent years as part of an increasingly globalised dimension to Palestinian resistance, alongside such initiatives as the Electronic Intifada and the BDS movement. Early Zionist rhetoric asserted the non-existence (or invisibility) of Palestinians. Several decades later, when the Arab revolt was shut down, the Israeli official propaganda largely shifted to a discourse of “emergency”, which decontextualizes the anti-colonial nature of Palestinian resistance. The films 5 Broken Cameras (2011) and Private (2004) both engage with Israeli colonialism and the state of emergency by acting as tools of witnessing, laying bare the occupational strategies the Israelis use under emergency law and revealing the arbitrary nature of such practices as the Separation Wall. The films challenge Israeli authority through their depictions of predominantly non-violent forms of resistance, which counters their historically constructed invisibility as a people, as well as the colonialist narrative of “terrorism”. Non-violent resistance makes the recognition of Israeli authority problematic, as the settlers cannot use brute force to drive out the Palestinians if there is no documented incident in context to justify violence. Furthermore, the article argues that the form of the films – pseudo-documentary and especially “talking witness” documentary – enables their emotive content to reach out to an international audience, which could potentially respond. Thus, the films not only contain acts of resistance, but they significantly are tools of resistance in the conflict. 相似文献
96.
97.
Kamal Sadiq 《国际研究季刊》2005,49(1):101-122
Why would a state encourage illegal immigration over the opposition of its citizens? According to the theories of immigration and citizenship, we should expect exactly the opposite: that states will monitor, control, and restrict illegal immigrants' access to citizenship on behalf of its citizens, as has been the experience of most countries. I use my research on Filipino immigration to Sabah, Malaysia to show how Malaysia utilizes census practices and documentation to incorporate an illegal immigrant population from the Philippines. Illegal immigrants play an electoral role in Sabah because of the loosely institutionalized nature of citizenship, a feature common to many other developing countries. Our examination of Malaysia reveals several elements of illegal immigration and citizenship that are common to migratory flows in other developing countries. I conclude by showing how this case is generalizable and what it tells us about illegal immigrant participation in the international system. 相似文献
98.
Public finance management reforms in Somalia: a case study on Somalia's finance professionals
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
There is an unprecedented and pressing need for a major legislative public financial management reform in Somalia to bolster the technical and professional efforts of implementing a modern system of public financial management across the country. Currently, there is no independent auditing authority to enable citizens to access information on the use of public resources. However, the success of any reform depends on establishing strong public budgeting systems as well as developing strong public finance training programs and policy linkage on financial management policies and procedures. 相似文献
99.
This article critically reflects upon the shortcomings of thePrestea Action Plan, an ambitious initiative undertakento facilitate the resettlement of artisanal miners operatingin the Western Region of Ghana. The aim of the exercise wasto identify viable areas for the thousands of operators whowere working illegally in the town of Prestea, an area underconcession to the US-based multinational, Golden Star ResourcesLtd. At the time of its launch, it was one of the few supportinitiatives to target artisanal miners, whose claims to landare generally not recognized by governments. It was a particularlysignificant exercise in Ghana because it suggested that theauthorities, who traditionally have exercised a policy of non-negotiationwith such groups, had finally recognized that dialogue was neededif the growing rift between the country's indigenous artisanalminers, foreign mining companies and government bodies was tobe bridged. It soon emerged, however, that despite its commendablepolicy objectives, the Plan was fundamentally flawed—problemswhich would undermine the entire exercise. 相似文献
100.
The COVID-19 pandemic has been a life altering expe-rience that very few could have predicted.During these unprecedented and uncertain times,with the majority o... 相似文献