Beyond the fallacy of coup-ism: conceptualizing civilian control of the military in emerging democracies

It is consensus in the democratization literature that civilian control of the military is a necessary ingredient for democracy and democratic consolidation. However, there is considerable disagreement on what civilian control of the military exactly entails and there is a lack of solid theoretical arguments for how weak or absent civilian control affects democratic governance. Furthermore, a considerable portion of the research literature is captured by the fallacy of coup-ism, ignoring the many other forms in which military officers can constrain the authority of democratically elected political leaders to make political decisions and get them implemented. This article addresses these lacunae by providing a new conceptual framework for the analysis of civil–military relations in emerging democracies. From democracy theory it derives a definition of civilian control as a certain distribution of decision-making power between civilian leaders and military officers. Based on this definition, the authors develop a five-dimensional concept of civilian control, discuss the effects of weakly institutionalized civilian control on the quality of democracy and address the chances for democratic consolidation.     

Risk assessment with intimate partner sex offenders

Abstract

Risk assessment with any offender presents a number of challenges. However, risk assessment with offenders who have committed offences against their partners presents practitioners with a number of additional challenges. Intimate Partner (IP) sex offenders are reported to be responsible for the majority of adult serious sexual offences in England and Wales. However, despite calls for a unified approach to sex offender theory there has been little integration between this and the IP and family sexual violence literature. This paper summarizes the relevant literature on prevalence and cross over of sexual abuse by IP offenders, patterns of abuse, generality of offending, psychopathology and risk concerns (including risk of intimate partner homicide). Based on this, recommendations are made for best practice with IP sex offenders.     

Sex Trafficking and Moral Harm: Politicised Understandings and Depictions of the Trafficked Experience

This paper explores notions of harm in sex work discourse, highlighting the extent to which essentialist ideas of ‘good’ versus ‘bad’ sex have pervaded trafficking policy. In a comparative examination of Australian Parliamentary Inquiries and United States congressional hearings leading to the establishment of anti-trafficking policy, we identify the stories that have influenced legislators, and established a narrative of trafficking heavily dependent upon assumptions of the inherent harm of sex work. This narrative constructs a hierarchy of victimisation, which denies alternative discourses of why women migrate for sex work. We argue that it is not sexual commerce that is harmful, but pathological, systemic inequalities and entrenched disadvantage that are harmful. A narrow narrative of trafficking fails to adequately depict this complexity of the trafficked experience.     

老年人交通事故精神伤残鉴定的临床特征分析

目的探讨老年人交通事故受伤后精神伤残鉴定临床特征。方法对109例老年人发生交通事故受伤后精神伤残司法鉴定资料进行回顾性分析,并与非老年组进行对照研究。结果老年人多为被动性损伤、受伤后颅内血肿发生率高、致残的原因88．07％是智能及精神障碍所致,损伤程度及伤残等级以中、重度多见。结论最佳评残时机为脑外伤一年后为宜,应结合老年人的心理、生理特点,提高交通安全防范意识。     

Agency Termination in the UK: What Explains the ‘Bonfire of the Quangos’?

In October 2010, the UK’s Coalition Government announced a radical reduction in the number of public bodies in the UK. This research tests the impact of three factors identified in the termination literature as affecting agency survival: political turnover, age and agency type. The research found that advisory Non-Departmental Public Bodies were five times more likely to have been identified for abolition or merger than other agency types. The research also found that agency age was a factor, but that political turnover was not significant.     

Will we work in twenty-first century capitalism? A critique of the fourth industrial revolution literature

Abstract

The fourth industrial revolution has become a prominent concept and imminent technological change a major issue. Facets are everyone’s concern but currently no one’s ultimate responsibility (perhaps a little like financial stability before the global financial crisis). In this paper, we argue that the future is being shaped now by the way the fourth industrial revolution is being positioned. Whilst no one has set out to argue for or defend technological determinism, anxiety combined with passivity and complacency are being produced in the context of a quasi-determinism. The contingent quantification of the future with regard to the potential for job displacement provides an influential source of authority for this position. A background narrative of ‘the future is coming, so you better get used to it’ is being disseminated. This favours a capitalism that may ‘deny work to the many’ perspective rather than a more fundamental rethink that encompasses change that may liberate the many from work. This, in turn, positions workers and responsibility for future employment, reducing the urgency of calls for wider societal preparation. Public understanding and policy are thus affected and along with them the future of work.