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281.
The conventional wisdom is that the 1996 federal welfare reform law has been a stunning success. Welfare caseloads have declined significantly and employment among disadvantaged single mothers has increased more than anticipated. Also, more low‐income children were living with married couples in the late 1990s. However, welfare reform was enacted in the midst of exceptional economic, demographic, and other policy changes and it is impossible to disentangle the impact of federal welfare reform from these other factors. This article describes these factors and puts the income gains and losses among families with children between 1996 and 2000 into the historical context of the past twenty‐five years. This analysis provides substantial evidence that welfare reform may have “worked” for many low‐income families with children while failing other low‐income families. Furthermore, despite recent increases in poverty following the 2001 recession, welfare caseloads continued to decline, indicating a fundamental flaw in what has traditionally been a countercyclical program. Data also suggest that the significant increase over the 1990s in the share of low‐income children living with married couples has been reversed following the recent recession. These findings suggest that the 1996 welfare law needs to be considerably retooled. 相似文献
282.
We use data from the Leadership Opinion Project (LOP), a panel survey of American opinion leaders which brackets the end of the Cold War, to investigate two interrelated questions about the structure of elites' foreign policy beliefs. We assess, first, whether the militant internationalism/cooperative internationalism scheme, developed primarily by Wittkopf (1981, 1990) and Holsti and Rosenau (1990), has continued relevance now that the USSR has collapsed; and second, whether Hurwitz and Peffley's (1987, 1990; see also Peffley and Hurwitz, 1992; Hurwitz, Peffley, and Seligson, 1993) domain-specific, hierarchical model of mass belief structure can be applied to elite belief systems. The evidence indicates that respondents' past stances toward military and cooperative ventures are highly predictive of their views once the Cold War ends. This continuity in leaders' postures toward international affairs, in itself, suggests that "enemy images" of the Soviet Union were less important within elite belief systems than Hurwitz and Peffley (1990; see also Peffley and Hurwitz, 1992) posited for the mass public. The starkest difference, however, between their findings for mass samples and our findings for a leadership sample centers on the importance of ideology in constraining foreign policy beliefs, and the close interconnection with domestic beliefs. Consequently, as we illustrate, predictable ideological divisions among opinion leaders persist in the post–Cold War era. In sum, our evidence demonstrates considerable continuity in elites' beliefs despite profound changes in the global system, and reaffirms the importance that ideology plays in structuring attitudes within elite belief systems. 相似文献
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Jamie Murray 《Liverpool Law Review》2008,29(2):227-246
The complexity theory paradigm is in the process of being taken up from the natural sciences into the social sciences and
humanities. This article introduces complexity theory as a theoretical framework for socio-legal study. Complexity theory
is analysed as being developed in non-organic, organic and social registers, and as exhibiting a specific image of thought.
The complexity theory of the non-organic register is introduced in terms of Prigogine’s work on order out of chaos and dissipative
structures. The complexity theory of the organic register is introduced in terms of Kauffman’s work on edge of chaos self-organisation
in morphogenesis and co-evolution. Finally, the complexity theory of the social register is addressed in terms of assemblage
theory. Specifically addressing the level of social organisation and the role of law, the work of J.B. Ruhl is considered
as the first working through of the implications of complexity theory for socio-legal scholarship. The article goes on to
argue that the key starting points of a complexity paradigm for socio-legal study are: an ontogenetic image of thought; complex
dynamic dissipative structures and assemblages in phase space; the socio-legal as complex adaptive assemblages in co-evolution
with their broader environment; and commitment to emergence and self-organisation at the edge of chaos. In particular, it
proposes that the complexity theory of law allows for the search for lost, hidden, local, bottom-up, emergent modes of legality,
and for a new conceptual creativity in socio-legal work. The complexity theory theoretical framework is of particular interest
and challenge to scholars working in the social sciences with Maturana & Varela based autopoetic systems theory. 相似文献
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Gwen Hunnicutt Kristine Lundgren Christine Murray Loreen Olson 《Journal of family violence》2017,32(5):471-480
An emerging body of research suggests that survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV) are at a high risk for sustaining traumatic brain injury (TBI). However, most scholars and practitioners working on the problem of IPV have not examined how TBI could be related to their familiar subject of study. Concomitantly, little work in the brain injury field has been done to examine TBI in the context of IPV. In this paper, we encourage cross-collaboration among these fields. To that end, we consider the relationship between IPV and TBI; the difficulty in detecting and measuring the IPV-related TBI and ethical concerns that may arise when addressing this issue. Our work emphasizes the need to recognize the complex interplay among psycho-physiological health and socio-cultural contexts. As such, we present a socio-ecological perspective of IPV-related TBI to provide a contextual framework to guide future interdisciplinary research. Finally, we outline directions for future research. 相似文献
289.
Kimberly Murray 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2018,42(1):75-88
This research uses quantitative analyses to determine whether or not conviction outcomes differ across three major American domestic terrorism groups: ecoterrorists, left-wing extremists, and right-wing extremists. Findings suggest that ecoterrorists receive lighter treatment within the criminal justice system while controlling for important variables, such as gender, age, and count severity. Findings highlight differences between “home-grown” terrorist groups, departing from a large segment of terrorism research focused on domestic versus international comparisons or terrorist versus civilian comparisons. Results elicit new research questions to understand why domestic terrorists receive differential treatment within the criminal justice system, despite controlling for key variables. 相似文献
290.
Jessica M. Craig Alex R. Piquero Joseph Murray David P. Farrington 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2018,14(4):485-506