Business-government relations in Canada: a conceptual map

Abstract: This paper attempts to bring some order to the large and complex body of work that analyses the state of contemporary business-government relations in Canadian society. A conceptual framework is proposed which differentiates between the substantive content of business-government interdependence (laws, policies, programs) and the relationship itself in terms of the congruence of values and the power balance over time. It also distinguishes between two broad levels of analysis, that which sees the relationship as shaped solely by the larger societal context in which it exists; and a “micro” level which tends to take the societal context as given and focus on various aspects of the structure and process in the relationship between business leaders, politicians, senior civil servants and other organized interest groups. A number of schools of thought are identified by means of this conceptual framework and their basic ideas compared and contrasted. Sommaire: Le propos de cet article est dordonner quelque peu la masse, importante et complexe, des etudes analysant les relations qui existent entre les gouvernements et le monde des affaires dans la société canadienne contemporaine. L'auteur nous propose un cadre théorique établi sur une distinction entre, dune part, les aspects organiques de l'interdépendance entre le gouvernement et le monde des daires (legislation, politiques, programmes) et, d‘ autre part, les relations elles-mêmes, considérées du point de vue de la congruence des valeurs et de l’équilibre diachronique des pouvoirs. L'auteur distingue aussi entre deux niveaux danalyse: un premier niveau, qui conçoit les relations comme entièrement modelées par le macro-contexte de la société dans laquelle elle existe; et un micro-niveau, où le contexte social est tenu pour acquis et où le centre de l'analyse est constitué par les différents aspects de la structure et du processus de relation entre les chefs dentreprise, les politiciens, les hauts fonctionnaires et d‘ autres groupes dintérêts. Ce cadre théorique permet finalement l'identification de plusieurs “écoles de pensée”, de même que la com-paraison et la mise en contraste de leurs idées de base.     

Three scenarios for the future of China

As we begin to think about the twenty-first century, we are entering a time of fundamental global change. the most dramatic shift will be the movement of China to the status of great power. Yet, the only specific forecast for the future of China that we can make with confidence is that a straight-line extrapolation is most unlikely to occur. China will not continue to grow at double digit rates for the coming decade. Nor is the rest of Southeast Asia going to grow at the 8 percent that has been registered for the past decade and more. Nor is everything going to go smoothly.     

NEW ISSUES IN POLICY ANALYSIS—OR AN OLD AGENDA?

The logic of policy analysis in Grover Starling's critique of my article was but a vehicle for his real concern, which is a scathing attack on the Nicaraguan revolution. His criticism that I didnlt use comparative data confuses levels of analysis since my study does not focus on the national level. His argument about the contras not operating in the cotton region fails because the Sandinistas were active and successful there. tie also is mistaken in equating contra aggression with the activity of the Sandinistas against the people of the Atlantic Coast; Sandinistas have committed little in the way of human rights violations. The contras are not llrebels" but really dominated by followers of Somoza. The need for honest and open dialog about Nicaragua is not served by Starlingls veiling of his political agenda within a methodological analysis.