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Although the empirical association of heroin use and income-generating crime is well established in past research, the magnitude of the association after control of other factors such as legal income is not known. The relationship between the use of cocaine and income-generating crime has not received adequate attention. Moreover, the explanatory basis for the expensive drug use/income-generating crime association is not well understood. This article tests the robustness of the heroin use/income-generating crime relationship and examines the same question for cocaine use. Hypotheses derived from two explanatory perspectives (the compulsion/demand and life-style models) are tested. Data were collected from more than 3,500 individuals who were interviewed at the time they entered publicly funded drug abuse treatment programs in 1979. Regression analyses show that daily use of heroin and weekly and daily use of cocaine are strongly associated with illegal income. Theoretical interpretation of the findings suggest: (1) the addiction/compulsion explanatory model is an insufficient explanation, (2) the life-style concept is useful for understanding the expensive drug use/income-generating crime relationship, and (3) the concept of addiction needs refinement and elaboration.  相似文献   
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Abstract.  The challenge for contemporary Green parties in government is to demonstrate both that they have not been completely de-radicalised, and that their presence in government can make a difference. Green party involvement in the European Union (EU) adds distinctive elements to this challenge. Does engagement in supranational decision making provide new opportunities for Green parties to exercise influence beyond borders? Or does it simply further exacerbate de-radicalisation tendencies? Focusing on the German and Finnish Green parties, this article explores the 'European dimension' of Green parties' governmental incumbency. Three sets of literature (Europeanisation, party change and EU policy making) are used to derive and test several hypotheses related to the impact of EU involvement on Green parties, and the impact of Green parties on EU policy making. It is argued that EU governmental engagement has accelerated Green party de-radicalisation both organisationally and programmatically, but the dynamics of this process are complex and surprisingly interactive as Greens also attempt to exercise influence over EU policy. The findings are relevant not just for those studying Green parties, but for those exploring wider questions of Europeanisation, party change and EU policy making.  相似文献   
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There is a curious disjunction between the Labour Government's international actions and its domestic policy. Although Tony Blair did much to promote the climate change agenda on the international stage, domestically, with carbon emissions rising again, the Government will fail to meet its target of reducing carbon dioxide emissions by 20% below 1990 levels by 2010. This article examines the weaknesses in the Labour Government's domestic record and assesses the significance of the recent transformation of climate change politics. Several obstacles to the design and delivery of more effective policies are identified, which can be categorised as either problems of ‘environmental politics’ or ‘environmental governance’. It is argued that the recent politicisation of climate change has overcome some of these obstacles ‐ albeit temporarily ‐ but whether the pressure for further policy measures can be sustained, with a long‐term impact on environmental governance, remains uncertain.  相似文献   
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When New Labour came to power in 1997, the party's manifesto had little to say about rural policy, beyond a proposal to allow a free vote to ban hunting with dogs and a commitment to establish a right to roam—essentially 'old Labour' and symbolic issues. However, in its early years the Blair government became drawn more heavily into rural policy reform and increasingly came to see rural issues as a territory on which its grand project of national renewal and modernisation could be played out. This article reviews the rise and fall of rural policy under New Labour, and charts how the aftermath of the 2001 foot and mouth disease crisis eventually saw rural issues marginalised within government. It shows how the Blair governments' strange and unexpected excursion into reforming rural and agricultural policy provides a case study of the rise and fall of modernisation more generally.  相似文献   
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