Inner City Youth and Drug Dealing: A Review of the Problem

Reviewed existing literature on drug dealing and inner city adolescents that underscores a serious and worsening problem. Around one in six urban adolescents have had some involvement in drug dealing, with rates even higher for African-American males over 16. For inner city teenagers, there are a range of problems associated with drug dealing, including juvenile arrest, involvement in violence (as victims and perpetrators), substance abuse, behavioral and emotional difficulties, academic failure and dropout. In terms of etiology, three influences have received the most attention: family dysfunction, economic factors, and perceptions of drug dealing that promote involvement in it. In general, there is limited recognition of the severity of the problem of drug dealing and inner city adolescents, corresponding to an almost total lack of efforts to prevent or address it. Efforts are needed at individual, family, group, school, community, and mass media levels to address this serious and escalating problem.     

Creating clones, kids & chimera: liberal democratic compromise at the crossroads

The objective of this article is to find middle ground between the supporters and opponents of biotechnology by perpetuating the existing legal compromise pertaining to the complete range of health and welfare doctrines relevant to the biotechnological industry. The author aspires neither to add to nor detract from this liberal democratic consensus, but to preserve its constitutive balance between positivism and natural law and over-regulation and under-regulation in the hopes of stabilizing new political fault lines developing around the few biotechnological innovations already grabbing headlines. The most feasible solution is to extend the existing liberal democratic compromise with respect to equal protection, reproductive rights, the First Amendment, human subject experimentation, patent law, and parental rights. This includes banning or monopolizing certain biotechnologies and extending substantive special respect to the ex vivo living human embryo. Biotechnology must not be left to regulate itself.     

Valuing Policy Alternatives: A Generalization

Those interested in political phenomena such as voting havefound random utility models, originally developed for decisionssuch as transportation choice, especially attractive, as theunderlying model can yield a statistical model with a few simple,realistic assumptions. Unfortunately, such models have provendifficult to apply to situations with more than two votes andthree alternatives or an unknown cutpoint. Additionally, aswe show, standard applications of such models to voting, whileproducing consistent parameter estimates, yield standard errorsthat are too small and, due to a failure to employ all relevanttheoretical information, biased ideal point estimates. We specifya general model applicable to any number of votes and alternatives,with correct standard errors and unbiased ideal point estimates.We apply this model to a number of cases studied by previousscholars involving legislative voting over the minimum wage:(1) when there are two votes and two known cutpoints (K. Krehbieland D. Rivers, American Journal of Political Science, 1988,32, 1151–1174); (2) when there are three votes and threeknown cutpoints (J. Wilkerson, American Journal of PoliticalScience, 1991, 35, 613–623); and (3) when there are threevotes but where one cutpoint is unknown given a lack of knowledgeabout the impact of a policy (J. Wilkerson, American Journalof Political Science, 1991, 35, 613–623) or the possibilityof sophisticated voting (C. Volden, Journal of Politics, 1998,60, 149–173). We show that in various contexts our analysisimproves on existing methods, yielding consistent and efficientideal point estimates and a better-fitting model with improvedpredictive accuracy.     

THE MDRC WORK/WELFARE PROJECT: OBJECTIVES, STATUS, SIGNIFICANCE

In 1981, states, for the first time, were given an option to restructure the AFDC welfare program and require recipients to work in exchange for benefits. States have acted on this opportunity to introduce workfare or work requirements in a climate of polarized discussion and limited information. This paper summarizes the findings available from the pre-1981 demonstrations on the feasibility, impact, and cost-effectiveness of this approach. The authors conclude that these early demonstrations and evaluations provide very limited guidance to program administrators. The paper describes briefly a five-year social experiment currently under way in nine states to address the critical open policy questions through comprehensive process, impact, and benefit-cost studies.