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161.
Leana Allen Bouffard 《Journal of criminal justice》2010,38(5):870
Purpose
Sexual aggression on college campuses has received a great deal of research attention. Little criminological theory, however, has systematically linked individual-level risk factors for sexual aggression with broader societal factors like patriarchy. DeKeseredy and Schwartz (1993) proposed that societal patriarchy is translated into individual attitudes of male sexual proprietariness and entitlement, which provide motivation and justifications for sexual violence.Methods
This study explored the concept of entitlement through various measures and demonstrated the utility of the concept by linking it with other theoretically-relevant variables, including self-control, sexual partners, use of pornography, adversarial sexual beliefs, and rape myth adherence.Results
Entitlement was significantly correlated with theoretically-relevant variables in the expected directions. Additionally, entitlement was able to distinguish sexually aggressive and nonaggressive men. Multivariate models provided support for the theoretical assertion that entitlement fosters rape-supportive attitudes and behaviors, which in turn was related to sexual aggression.Conclusions
Entitlement is an important concept in understanding sexual aggression, and the causal relationships implied by theory should be explored further in future research. Implications and directions for future research and theory are discussed. 相似文献162.
Although child neglect and substance abuse co-occur in greater than 60% of child protective service cases, intervention outcome
studies are deplorably lacking. Therefore, a home-based Family Behavior Therapy is described in the treatment of a woman evidencing
child neglect, substance dependence, domestic violence and other co-occurring problems. Treatment included contingency management,
self control, stimulus control, communication and child management skills training exercises, and financial management components.
Results indicated improvements in child abuse potential, home hazards, domestic violence, and drug use, which were substantiated
by objective urinalysis testing, and tours of her home. Validity checks indicated the participant was being truthful in her
responses to standardized questionnaires, and assessors were “blind” to study intent. Limitations (i.e., lack of experimental
control and follow-up data collection) of this case example are discussed in light of these results. 相似文献
163.
Mathew D. Gayman Nicholas K. Powell Mindy S. Bradley 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2018,43(3):509-529
Although supervising persons with mental illness can pose special challenges for community parole/probation officers (PPOs), few studies have investigated whether the number of supervisees on an officer’s caseload increases risk for poor mental health for PPOs and whether this link is due to emotional exhaustion. Using statewide survey data from 798 PPOs, we examine whether the number of supervisees on an officer’s caseload with mental health problems is associated with depressive symptoms reported the PPOs and whether this relationship is mediated by emotional exhaustion. In addition, we evaluate the potential mitigating role of both mental health services received by supervisees and officer training in mental health in the relationship between the number of supervisees on an officer’s caseload with mental health problems and emotional exhaustion experienced by PPOs. Findings reveal that PPOs with more supervisees on their caseload report significantly higher levels of depressive symptoms and that this relationship is completely explained away by emotional exhaustion. Neither mental health services received by supervisees nor officer training in mental health mitigated the link between the number of supervisees on an officer’s caseload with mental health problems and officer emotional exhaustion. This study underscores the importance of the psychological well-being of those on parole/probation for the emotional and mental health of the officers who supervise them. 相似文献
164.
165.
166.
Nicholas Charron 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(9):1472-1493
The analyses in this study demonstrate a more nuanced understanding of a previously understood phenomenon – that openness has a negative relationship with corruption. It is argued that this relationship is substantially influenced by the domestic context, a relationship that has been underdeveloped by previous empirical studies. Focusing on social and political integration, I find that the effect of openness on corruption is conditioned by domestic institutions. The empirical evidence suggests that while political and social openness have a significant impact in combating corruption given a free press, the impact of such international forces are negligible in cases where press freedoms are low. 相似文献
167.
Nicholas Farrelly 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):520-522
168.
Nicholas Ross Smith 《European Security》2013,22(4):525-540
This paper evaluates the competitiveness of the European Union (EU) and Russia's regime preferences in their foreign policies towards Ukraine in the scope of the on-going Ukraine crisis. It is argued that the underpinning geopolitical environment Ukraine currently resides in, wedged between two much larger powers (the EU and Russia), renders it a vulnerable target state for regime promotion from both sides. Indeed, since the 2004 Orange revolution in Ukraine, both the EU and Russia have had discernible regime promotion strategies in their foreign policies. The EU's regime promotion has focussed on facilitating democracy in Ukraine, along with more material interests (trade and strategic aims) while Russia has reacted with increasingly zero-sum policies which pursue its preference for having a loyal and Russian-facing regime in Ukraine. Ultimately, the increasing competitiveness of the EU and Russia has been a key factor in the onset of the Ukraine crisis, which offers important insight into the relationship between large powers and the smaller third states which lie in their overlapping spheres of influence. 相似文献
169.
Sarah Allen Gershon 《政治交往》2013,30(2):160-183
The news media plays a key role in American democracy, often serving as the primary means by which voters learn about their elected representatives. However, the news media varies in its coverage of representatives, presenting voters with more frequent and favorable information about some House members than others, which may in turn influence voters' decisions at the polls. Although many scholars have examined the determinants of congressional news coverage, few have focused on the role of the actors who perhaps exert the most direct effect on such coverage: congressional press secretaries, journalists, and editors. In this study, I explore the influence of these actors on the tone and frequency of local congressional news coverage. I rely on data from two sources: (a) a content analysis of newspaper coverage of 100 representatives during the month prior to the 2006 election and (b) in-depth interviews with 51 congressional press secretaries and 22 journalists. These sets of data illustrate the important roles of both newspaper staff and congressional press secretaries in shaping the coverage House members receive. I conclude by discussing the implications of the findings for U.S. representatives and their constituents. 相似文献
170.
Shannon M. Carey Theresa Herrera Allen Tamara Perkins Mark S. Waller 《Juvenile & family court journal》2013,64(4):1-20
Although juvenile drug courts (JDCs) have now been in operation for 17 years, there is still no definitive appraisal as to this model's cost effectiveness and in particular, no detailed cost analysis of a JDC program following the 16 strategies until this one. The cost data presented in this paper build on the process and outcome evaluations performed on the Clackamas County Juvenile Drug Court (CCJDC). The criminal justice costs incurred by participants in drug court are compared with the costs incurred by eligible non‐participants. CCJDC participants had far more positive outcomes than those who did not participate in the program. In the two years after drug court entry, CCJDC participants cost the taxpayers $961 less per participant than similar individuals who did not attend the drug court program. 相似文献