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111.
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Nicholas Timmins 《The Political quarterly》2001,72(4):493-497
Reports reviewed in this article:
Institute for Public Policy Research, Building Better Partnerships: Final Report of the Commission on Public—Private Partnerships
Fabian Society, Paying for Progress: A New Politic of Tax for Public Spending 相似文献
Institute for Public Policy Research, Building Better Partnerships: Final Report of the Commission on Public—Private Partnerships
Fabian Society, Paying for Progress: A New Politic of Tax for Public Spending 相似文献
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In September 2012, the Australian Advertising Standards Bureau (ASB) made ‘landmark decisions’ relating to the use of Facebook by vodka brand Smirnoff and beer brand Victoria Bitter. The ASB determined that (i) a brand's Facebook page is a marketing communication tool, and (ii) all contents on the page fall under the industry's self‐regulatory code of ethics, including consumer‐created content such as user‐generated comments and photos. The decisions come in response to a submission that the authors made regarding the Facebook pages of the two brands. These submissions were based on a research project that had monitored the use of Facebook by several Australian alcohol brands since the late 2010 to identify how these brands use social media as experiential social spaces to engage consumers in the co‐creation of content. This article reviews the ruling by analysing the advertisers' response to the complaint, the regulators' justifications for the decisions, and the possibilities and limitations of regulating social media in general. It argues that although the ASB has acknowledged that brands are responsible for all contents on their Facebook pages, the regulators' approach is of limited effectiveness given the way Facebook allows brands to embed themselves in the mediation of everyday life. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
116.
Nicholas Aylott 《West European politics》2013,36(2):119-136
Sweden voted in November 1994 to approve EU membership. Although the Social Democratic Party's leadership advocated approval, the membership was badly divided. Against the backdrop of two Nordic sister parties’ similar difficulties, this article examines the leadership's management of the internal conflict. It analyses the evolution and main elements of its management strategy, the most important being an attempt to accommodate rather than confront the party's Eurosceptics. As the leadership's two goals for 1994, an election victory and a ‘Yes’ in the referendum, were both achieved, the strategy must be considered a qualified, short‐term success. 相似文献
117.
Nicholas R. Miller 《Public Choice》2010,145(3-4):575-579
An Ordeshook-Schwartz agenda tree requires a voting theorist to assign a unique “ostensive alternative” to each node, but under some non-pairwise agendas there is no evident principle by which to do this. Therefore Ordeshook-Schwartz sincere voting is not clearly defined under all types of agendas. Farquharson-style agenda trees sidestep this problem and allow one or more definitions of sincere voting under every type of agenda. 相似文献
118.
Nicholas D.J. Baldwin 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):218-242
An analysis of the legislative activity of the House of Lords during the period of Labour government between 1974 and 1979. At the time much of their activity was depicted as a clash between Lords and Commons, between the two chambers of the British legislature – one a ‘one‐sided, hereditary, unprized, unrepresentative, irresponsible absentee’ and other made up of the directly elected representatives of the people. The author shows that the events during the period were in fact rather more complex than this, being more accurately portrayed as a clash between Government and Parliament facilitated by the House of Lords. In addition, the author points not only to the importance of the peers perceptions of the parliamentary situation at the time, what it was generally as well as at specific times and with regard to specific issues, and to the impact that this had, but also highlights the fact that the political complexion of the House of Lords is far more complex than a simple Conservative‐Labour dichotomy. By way of conclusion it is argued not only that the activity of the House of Lords during this period provides ample evidence of the extent and nature of the work of the House, but also that the members were doing no more than their constitutional position provides for, namely to scrutinise and revise legislation – it was, as Bagehot observed, a Chamber of ‘temporary rejectors and palpable alterers’. 相似文献
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Mr. Arnulf Müller-Helmbrecht Ramsar Bureau Nicholas Davidson Bert Lenten 《Journal of International Wildlife Law & Policy》2013,16(1-2):73-89
Between The Bureau of the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971) and the Secretariat of the Convention on the Conservation of Migratory Species of Wild Animals (CMS) And Between The Bureau of the Convention on Wetlands (Ramsar, Iran, 1971) and the Secretariat of the Agreement on the Conservation of African-Eurasian Migratory Waterbirds (AEWA) 相似文献
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