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This article challenges the assumption that their future children's welfare is a relevant consideration when deciding whether to provide a person with assisted conception services. It does not argue that infertility treatment ought to be available as of right. Rather, this article's proposal is that section 13(5) – which specifies that no-one shall receive assistance with conception unless account has first been taken of the welfare of any child who might be born – should be deleted from the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990. Extending the 'welfare principle' to decisions taken prior to a child's conception is shown to be unjust, meaningless and inconsistent with existing legal principle.  相似文献   
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A questionnaire study with 243 female undergraduates assessed whether late adolescent females' experiences of autonomy and perceptions of family conflict would moderate the relationship between eating symptoms and personality disturbances associated with severe eating disorders. Univariate correlations between eating symptoms, on the one hand, and perceived family conflict and reports of individuation and mutuality in the adolescent/parent relationship, on the other hand, were relatively weak and for the most part insignificant. However, these data supported a moderating hypothesis in that eating symptoms were more strongly related to interoceptive confusion and maturity fears among participants describing less individuated relationships with their parents and reporting unusually low levels of family conflict.Authors' names are in alphabetical order, indicating equal contribution to this article.Received Ph.D. from Yale University in 1977. Major interests are in young adult and adolescent development, and etiology and treatment of adolescent depression and other psychopathologies.Received her B.A. from Vassar College and M.A. from Michigan State University. Major interests are in adolescent/parent relationships, separation-individuation, and eating disorders.  相似文献   
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This article addresses the problems entailed in decentralising a successor state of the former Soviet Union. On many different scales, Georgia should be a wealthy country. The population is well educated, there is rich agricultural land, a thriving wine industry, several mineral extraction industries and access to oil. The central argument of this article is that it is governance, or rather the failure of governance that is at the heart of many of Georgia's problems—in particular, a failure over a number of years to find a balance between the considerable ethnic diversity of the country and their aspirations regarding self‐government, and the need for the assertion of central power from Tblisi in occupying the power vacuum left by the demise of the Soviet Union. The structure of the article moves through an analysis of the context of decentralisation, into a brief survey of the major ethnic groups and the nature of the local government system, paying particular attention to the attempts by Tblisi to provide a coherent glue for a state that is liable to break apart. The concept of the ‘fissile state’ is used to convey this brittle context within which institutional reform needs to take place given the pressures from below and the pressures exerted by external actors as Georgia seeks to move closer to the European polity. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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National minorities are collectivities who possess that trait which is the current normative underpinning of states, namely nationhood, and yet for practical purposes cannot enjoy outright political independence. Because national minorities bear these normatively significant characteristics they may be deemed to have legitimate international claims to certain special rights even if these fall short of statehood. Yet although this rationale may be logically sound and morally justified, pursuing it nevertheless raises serious problems with regard to state sovereignty.  相似文献   
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This paper explores how political parties use their websites to persuade visitors during the 2015 UK General Election campaign. The home pages of 41 party websites were assessed. The findings suggest that parties view visitors as rationally assessing material, not emotionally; thus, the content provides information and seeks to mobilise support and generate resources. However, application of Nielsen's F-pattern finds that these are precisely the areas within a website most likely to be placed beyond where visitors will look. Simple changes in design structure, the use of emotional messages, and shortcuts should make party websites more persuasive.  相似文献   
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