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141.
142.
Adults ability to detect childrens deception was examined. Police officers, customs officers, and university students attempted to differentiate between children who lied or told the truth about a transgression. When children were simply questioned about the event (Experiment 1), the adult groups could not distinguish between lie-tellers and truth-tellers. However, participants were more accurate when the children had participated in moral reasoning tasks (Experiment 2) or promised to tell the truth (Experiment 3) before being interviewed. Additional exposure to the children did not affect accuracy (Experiment 4). Customs officers were more certain about their judgments than other groups, but no more accurate. Overall, adults have a limited ability to identify childrens deception, regardless of their experience with lie detection. 相似文献
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144.
Nicholas Wood 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》1999,13(1):21-28
It is often stated that the protection of names, brands and trade marks on the Internet is a critical issue for intellectual property (IP) owners. However, while tales of infringement abound, there have been few court cases. IP specialists looking to establish a policy for the protection of names on the Internet need to assess the scale of the problem. What evidence of infringement or abuse exists? How are trade marks at risk-just in the domain name system or on other parts of the Internet? Can the courts or registration authorities be relied upon to support intellectual property owners? Is affordable net protection a myth or a reality for trade mark owners? This article attempts to quantify the risk of infringement or abuse of intellectual property, to examine measures of control proposed by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and to suggest policies that can be adopted to minimise the risk of infringement and to maximise the chance of successful action against infringers. 相似文献
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Kiril D. Hristovski Nicholas R. Hild Jennifer E. Young-Hristovski 《Communist and Post》2010,43(1):115-124
Starting with the premise that the environmental management system is an integral part of the multidimensional socio-economic, cultural and political system of a country, a critical overview of the existing environmental management system in Macedonia was conducted as a case study in an attempt to identify and evaluate the key problems, challenges, and issues that hinder the transition of post-communist countries. The analysis revealed that the same barriers were present in the different systems of many post-communist counties. These barriers may be overcome only by creating indigenous well educated personnel who understand the specifics of their country. 相似文献
148.
Peter K. Hatemi John R. Hibbing Sarah E. Medland Matthew C. Keller John R. Alford Kevin B. Smith Nicholas G. Martin Lindon J. Eaves 《American journal of political science》2010,54(3):798-814
Variance components estimates of political and social attitudes suggest a substantial level of genetic influence, but the results have been challenged because they rely on data from twins only. In this analysis, we include responses from parents and nontwin full siblings of twins, account for measurement error by using a panel design, and estimate genetic and environmental variance by maximum‐likelihood structural equation modeling. By doing so, we address the central concerns of critics, including that the twin‐only design offers no verification of either the equal environments or random mating assumptions. Moving beyond the twin‐only design leads to the conclusion that for most political and social attitudes, genetic influences account for an even greater proportion of individual differences than reported by studies using more limited data and more elementary estimation techniques. These findings make it increasingly difficult to deny that—however indirectly—genetics plays a role in the formation of political and social attitudes. 相似文献
149.
Nicholas J. G. Winter 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):587-618
During the past three decades Americans have come to view the parties increasingly in gendered terms of masculinity and femininity.
Utilizing three decades of American National Election Studies data and the results of a cognitive reaction-time experiment,
this paper demonstrates empirically that these connections between party images and gender stereotypes have been forged at
the explicit level of the traits that Americans associate with each party, and also at the implicit level of unconscious cognitive
connections between gender and party stereotypes. These connections between the parties and masculinity and femininity have
important implications for citizens’ political cognition and for the study of American political behavior. 相似文献
150.
Nicholas R. Miller 《Public Choice》2010,145(1-2):213-221
Schwartz (Public Choice 136:353–377, 2008) has identified a controversy within the voting theory literature pertaining to the representation of agenda structures and the consequent definition of sincere voting. This note responds to Schwartz’s remarks by arguing that the kind of agenda tree he uses does not adequately represent some common parliamentary agendas, and that consequently his definition of sincere voting cannot always be applied. 相似文献