Although the Gillick decision was hailed as an important step in the furtherance of respect for children's autonomy, subsequent judgments seemed to undermine this important principle. While it would be difficult to criticise the outcomes of some of the key cases, the reasoning by which these were achieved is rather more contentious. There have been some interesting discussions suggesting more constructive approaches but there is still a great deal of anecdotal evidence indicating that conservative assessments of children's ability to be involved in decisions about their medical treatment remain the norm. The new Department of Health consent forms should help to create a climate where assessment of a child's competence will become more sophisticated. This paper will argue that the Human Rights Act 1998 offers another opportunity to reassess more traditional approaches to children's capacity; indeed, this could be violation, inter alia, of the right not to be subject to inhuman and degrading treatment under Article 3 in extreme circumstances and the right to private and family life enshrined in Article 8. Clearly, it is not always practicable to carry out assessments rigorously and some health professionals may feel they do not have the expertise to do this, but some basic criteria could assist here; courts are not likely to expect more than a demonstration that best endeavors have been employed in reasoned decision-making. Additionally, other privacy rights may have implications for the medical decision-making process as it affects children and their carers particularly where conflict arises. Disputes may also ensue from the right to manifest religion and other beliefs",' under the Act. This paper will explore how such challenges to those responsible for the medical treatment of children may fare. 相似文献
This research focuses on how lineup a administrators influence eyewitnesses' postidentification confidence. What happens to witness confidence when a witness makes an identification that confirms the lineup administrator's expectations; what happens when this expectation is not confirmed? In Experiment 1, participant interviewers (n = 52) administered target-absent photo lineups to participant witnesses (n = 52). The interviewers did not view the simulated crime, but were told the thief's position in the lineup. In every instance this information was false (we used a target-absent lineup). A one-way ANOVA revealed that eyewitness identification confidence was malleable as a function of interviewers' beliefs about the thief's identity. In Experiment 2, participant jurors (n = 80) viewed 40 testimonies of Experiment 1 witnesses (2 participants viewed each testimony). Participant jurors judged all participant witnesses as equally credible despite their varying levels of postidentification confidence.
This note examines the case of a group of gay men who, having engaged in consensual sexual acts together, became known as
the `Bolton Seven' following their conviction in 1998 for offences of buggery and/or gross indecency. More particularly the
note scrutinises the implications of the ages of the participants (one of whom, at 17
, was unable to give lawful consent to sexual intercourse with a man) in the light of the enactment of Part I of the Sex Offenders
Act 1997 which introduces a system of compulsory registration by some convicted and cautioned sex offenders with the police
(including men convicted of, or cautioned for, buggery or gross indecency). The note explores the justification for inclusion
of these offences within the remit of the1997 Act together with the cultural construction of gay men as predatory and as constituting
a risk to younger members of society. It also analyses some of the effects of the registration requirement in terms of it
constituting a potential violation of fundamental rights such as equality and respect for private life. This discussion is
located particularly within the context of the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and the introduction of
the Human Rights Act 1998 in the U.K..
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
This study examined the effects of anonymity on jurors' verdicts and on jurors' feelings of accountability for their jury's verdicts. Twenty four-person anonymous juries and 20 four-person nonanonymous juries rendered individual and group verdicts for three student defendants charged with selling drugs on a school campus. When unanimous guilty verdicts were reached, juries imposed one of five punishments. Finally, jurors completed postdeliberation opinion and accountability questionnaires. As predicted, anonymous juries showed a higher rate of conviction (70%) than did nonanonymous juries (40%) when the evidence against the defendant was strong, supporting the hypothesis that anonymity would have a greater effect for situations in which there was relatively strong evidence of the defendant's guilt. Anonymous juries imposed the harshest punishment (expulsion) significantly more often than did nonanonymous juries. Contrary to predictions from differential self-awareness theory, anonymous juries did not report feeling less accountable than did nonanonymous juries. However, anonymous juries did see the process as significantly more fair than did identifiable juries.相似文献
The Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit held that jurisdictionwas proper in a declaratory judgment action brought to establishtrade mark non-infringement, when the plaintiff had a reasonableapprehension of litigation based on threatening statements madeduring the course of discussions to settle disputes pendingbefore the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board (TTAB) that wereotherwise subject to Federal Rule of Evidence 408, which typicallymakes statements made during settlement inadmissible for establishingliability but not for other purposes. 相似文献
The impact of age on voting behaviour and political outcomes has become an issue of increasing interest, particularly in the UK. Age divides in voter turnout and political preferences have led to claims that age is the ‘new class’. In this article, we contrast existing ‘cultural backlash’ and political economy explanations of the age divide in politics, and challenge the view that older people are predominantly ‘left behind’, culturally or economically. We show that older people have distinct material interests, related to housing wealth and pensions’ income, that are visible in their political preferences. We argue for the development of a new political economy of age. 相似文献