Survey of forensic pathologists

A survey of board-certified forensic pathologists (from a list of board-certified forensic pathologists supplied by the American Board of Pathology) was conducted to determine their current practice situations. The purpose of the survey was to provide information useful to the public in general and to those organizations that represent forensic pathologists in particular to better understand and meet the needs of the forensic pathology community. A total of 773 surveys were mailed, and 18 were returned as undeliverable. There were 337 replies (45%). Responses were as follows: In terms of age, 7% were in their 30s; 32% were in their 40s; 29% were in their 50s; 19% were in their 60s; and 13% were 70 years of age or older. In terms of gender, 79% were male and 21% were female. For pathology practice status, 72% worked more than 30 hours per week; 11% between 5 and 30 hours per week; 5% less than 5 hours per week; and 12% no longer practice pathology. For percentage of pathology practice that is forensic pathology, 69% of respondents were more than 80%; 6% were 50%-80%; 5% were 25%-50%; 8% were 5%-25%; and 12% were less than 5%. In terms of forensic pathology practice setting, 54% were employed by medical examiner or coroner systems; 13% worked under contract to medical examiner or coroner systems; 27% worked in private practice or consultation; and 6% responded as "other."     

The Australian Greens: Party Organisation and Political Processes

The Greens challenge the Australian two‐party system by promoting an alternative political agenda and by facilitating democratic processes. Their recent successes in federal and state elections suggest that the party itself deserves closer scrutiny. This paper shows how the Greens are organisationally different from other parties currently active in Australian politics due to both their internal processes and their parliamentary practices. Recent theories of parties argue that party organisation has changed significantly for major parties, adopting an electoral‐professional or cartel model that centralises power and decision‐making in party representatives within parliaments. This paper shows how a smaller party uses identity formation processes to establish a distinctive organisational style. We examine the Greens' party organisation by analysing the interdependent relationships between the party membership, the state and national offices, and Green MPs. The paper is based on original research including in‐depth interviews undertaken with state and federal Greens members of parliaments.     

Local government decision‐making—citizen participation and local accountability: some evidence from Kenya and Uganda

The current fashion for decentralisation is built on the assumption that it will result in decisions that reflect local needs and priorities. Yet representative democracy, through periodic elections, is a crude mechanism for establishing these needs and priorities. Most local government systems offer few other opportunities for citizens to participate, particularly for the poor, and few mechanisms of accountability. This article reviews the literature relating local level decision‐making, citizen participation and accountability. It then presents the findings of a study of decision‐making about the use of resources in a sample of municipal governments in Kenya and Uganda. Local governments in Kenya have traditionally offered minimal scope for citizen participation or accountability, but this is beginning to change, mainly as a result of performance conditions applied through the recently introduced Local Authorities Transfer Fund (LATF), together with an increasingly active civil society. In Uganda, which has undergone a radical decentralisation, there is much greater scope for citizen participation at the local level but there are still many of the same problems of local accountability as in Kenya. The article reviews some of the examples of, and reasons for, good (and bad) practice. It concludes that factors like committed local leadership, central monitoring of performance, articulate civil society organisations and the availability of information are critical. But even with these, there is no guarantee that decentralised decision‐making will be inclusive of the poor. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

'Protest' and Fail to Survive: Le Pen and the Great Moving Right Show

This article challenges the widespread belief that the recent success of Jean-Marie Le Pen and the Front National is due to a 'protest vote' on the part of the French electorate, a vote which thus lacks any 'core identity' and is therefore unsustainable in the long term. Through a geographical and sociological breakdown of the 2002 presidential and legislative elections the article first shows the extent to which support for Le Pen is clearly not a 'protest' but has a clear and recognisable base. Following this, the article aims to situate the notion of the 'protest vote' in the wider context of the continued 'moving right show' in contemporary social democracy.     

The Impact of State Rainy Day Funds in Easing State Fiscal Crises During the 1990–1991 Recession

This article examines the degree to which rainy day funds eased the fiscal stress experienced by states during the 1990–1991 recession. In the first section, a state fiscal policy of neutrality over the business cycle is used as a benchmark for evaluating the use of budget stabilization funds. The next section looks at data from the last three recessions to see how recessions have affected the taxes and expenditures of states. A measure of degree of fiscal stress experienced by each state during the 1990–1991 recession is then calculated. These results are used to empirically investigate the impact of explicit state rainy day funds in easing state fiscal stress. Next, the article examines whether states that had rainy day funds in 1989 were more likely to have less fiscal stress, and whether the specific deposit and withdrawal provisions of these funds made a difference.     

THE PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION OF INTERNATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY

Abstract: Increasingly, the terms occupying centre stage on the policy agenda in many countries are global in reach. Thus they stretch the operational efficiency and suitability of the fabric of the sovereign state to its limits, and beyond. In particular the issue of global environmental change is demonstrating the need to break new ground in terms of institutions and instruments which provide vehicles for the creation and implementation of public policy "beyond the state". This paper explores the evolution of this situation during this century, and considers the institutional responses to the need for broader and broader geographical expressions of sovereignty.     

Institutional innovation,development and environmental management: An ‘administrative trap’ revisited. Part II

The first part of this article [vol 9, no. 1] examined the ways in which the structure and division of responsibilities within public administrations often rendered them unable to perceive or cope with broad problems of environmental decline. In the developing world this is compounded by the contradictions between pressures for economic survival versus the long-term considerations for sustainability and conservation in the policy arena. In this second part the author reviews and evaluates further areas of administrative innovation in this area and considers the climate for policy and institutional change 25 years after the Stockholm Conference. In conclusion, basic principles guiding policy formulation, methodology and administrative organization are presented to allow administrations to gain some ground in the worsening environmental balance sheet.     

The MCMI-III and the Daubert Standard: Separating Rhetoric from Reality

Law and Human Behavior -     

The practice of regional development in Indonesia: Resolving central-local coordination issues in planning and finance

Renewed interest by the Indonesian government in decentralization and cost-recovery practices has led to both real and illusory reforms, though the distinction between the two is often not clear. This is particularly true with respect to infrastructure planning and finance. Recently, the allocation criteria for capital grants to local governments have been substantially revised, nearly every year, to reflect long lasting concerns regarding differences in interregional development needs and resources. In addition, the level of funding for local government investment has risen dramatically to support increased local responsibility in planning. Most development spending does not pass through local budgets, however. In either case, the project planning process has remained firmly under the direction of the central government's technical ministries. Infrastructure investment thus tends to be segmented, not only by sector, but also by funding source. The rate at which these two factors balance off in current practice does not indicate a strong commitment to effective decentralization. The article suggests that greater regional government participation in the national planning process would be beneficial. To deal with the fragmented nature of sectoral planning is more problematic, as a more integrated approach would in the long term require either a new layer of bureaucracy or a substantial reorganization of the technical ministries. In the shorter term, a gradual shift toward general purpose grants would also generate regional development plans more consistent with the goals of decentralization while maintaining substantial central control and oversight.