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921.
Die Eingriffsregelung
benötigte nach ihrer gesetzlichen Einführung (1976) ihre Zeit, um in der Praxis der Zulassung betroffener Projekte wirksam zu werden. Die Entwicklung erfuhr eine gravierende Korrektur dadurch, dass das Investitionserleichterungs- und Wohnbaulandgesetz 1993 das Verhältnis der Eingriffsregelung zum Baurecht speziell regelte. Nicht nur auf nationaler, sondern auch—und dies vor allem—auf EG-Ebene prägte und prägt der Schutz von natürlichen Lebensräumen und Habitaten nach der Flora-Fauna-Habitat-Richtlinie (FFH-RL) und der Vogelschutz-Richtlinie (V-RL) die Projektzulassung nachhaltig
. Insoweit geht es um einen besonders qualifizierten, gemeinschaftsrechtlich eingeforderten Gebietsschutz.
Kaum dass sich die Rechtslage insoweit zu konsolidieren beginnt, sieht sich die Praxis der Projektzulassung zunehmend vor die Aufgabe gestellt, spezifisch artenschutzrechtlichen Anforderungen Rechnung zu tragen.
Zur Bewältigung dieser Aufgabe will der nachstehende Artikel einen Beitrag leisten.
相似文献
相似文献
922.
923.
The authors describe the most popular drugs and their substitutes being used in Poland. The paper also presents the problem of developing and examining criminalistic traces in biological and some non-organic materials. 相似文献
924.
This article explores the ideas, institutions, and interests in which Taiwan's economic policy toward China is embedded. The authors indicate that the ideas behind Taiwan's economic policy toward China are as vibrant as ever, the political foundation for a coherent and feasible policy is eroding, and commercial interests are digressing from the Taiwan government's policy goals. Political forces around ideas have strong hearing on the formation of Taiwan's economic policy toward China. The truthfulness or falseness of the security argument is of intrinsic value to Taiwan's decision makers. The authors also point out that in order to have a complete picture of cross‐Strait economic relations, we need to specify how trade and investment with China influence Taiwan's distribution of political interests. 相似文献
925.
926.
Lúcia Sá 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2018,24(3):311-327
ABSTRACTThis chapter examines servant/employer relationships in Anna Muylaert’s film Que horas ela volta? (The Second Mother, 2015). Written in the first person by someone who locates herself as a white, middle-class Brazilian from humble origins who has lived abroad for nearly 30 years, the chapter focuses on the sense of discomfort caused on her by the film and by Brazilian middle-class reliance on domestic servants, whilst at the same time analysing the role played by intimacy and servitude in the film. In dialogue with Sérgio Buarque de Holanda’s definition(s) of “cordialidade” (and with later discussions of it), the chapter examines what “cordialidade” can mean in the context of employers/domestic servants relationships in contemporary Brazil. 相似文献
927.
The existing literature on the Indo-Pacific has largely focused on how and why the USA, Japan, Australia, India, and Indonesia have promoted the strategic concept of the Indo-Pacific, and how China has rejected it in the domain of maritime security. What has been overlooked, however, are dramatically expanded Chinese perceptions of the region and changing and complex Chinese attitudes and responses toward the Indo-Pacific. This essay aims to fill this gap by demonstrating how China has coopted certain components of the Indo-Pacific in its geoeconomic hegemonic project. This can be partially explained by unfolding and expanding Chinese perceptions of the region, characterized by geoeconomics and maritime/continental hybridity. This paper brings a missing perspective to the debate by highlighting China’s evolving, complex, and multifaceted approaches regarding the Indo-Pacific. It also offers a conceptual tool of a hybrid vision of the institutionalization of the Indo-Pacific for the enterprise of regional cooperation. 相似文献
928.
Julia Abelson Pierre‐Gerlier Forest John Eyles Patricia Smith Elisabeth Martin Francois‐Pierre Gauvin 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2002,45(1):70-97
Abstract: Interest in finding more effective methods for public involvement in decision‐making about health systems is more widespread than ever in Canada since significant aspects of health‐care decision‐making were devolved from provincial governments to regional health authorities. Involving the public can be risky business, however, as the accountability and legitimacy of decisions made by governing authorities are often assessed against the nature and degree of interaction that occurs with the public. Consequently, decision‐makers in a variety of policy domains routinely struggle with questions about when it is appropriate to involve the public, what the most effective means are for doing this, and how to measure their success. The authors analysed these issues by documenting the experiences of health‐systems decision‐makers in two Canadian provinces (Ontario and Quebec) with public consultation and participation over the past decade. Their findings illustrate that despite the different roles and responsibilities held by Ontario and Quebec decision‐makers, decisions to consult with their communities are driven by the same basic set of objectives: to obtain information from and to provide information to the community; to ensure fair, transparent and legitimate decision‐making processes; and to garner support for their outcomes. Decision‐makers also acknowledged the need to rethink approaches for involving the public in decision‐making processes in response to the perceived failure of past public participation and consultation processes. While these experiences have clearly left some participation practitioners feeling beleaguered, many are approaching future community consultation processes optimistically with plans for more focused, purposeful consultations that have clear objectives and more formal evaluation tinged with a healthy dose of pragmatism. Sommaire: L'intérêt que I'on porte à trouver des méthodes plus efficaces pour inciter le public à participer à la prise de décisions au sujet des systèmes de santé ne cesse de grandir au Canada depuis que les gouvemements provinciaux ont transféré aux autorités régionales la responsabilité d'importants aspects de la prise de décisions dans ce domaine. Cependant, faire intervenir le public peut être une affaire délicate, car la transparence et la légitimité des décisions prises par les autorités existantes sont souvent évaluées par rapport à la nature et au degré d'interaction qui se produit avec le public. C'est pourquoi, les décideurs dans divers domaines de politiques ont généralement de la difficultéà déterminer quand il convient de demander I'avis du public, quels sont les moyens les plus efficaces pour le faire et comment mesurer leur succès. Nous avons analysé ces questions en documentant les expériences que les décideurs des systèmes de santé de deux provinces canadiennes (l'Ontario et le Québec) avaient eues en ce qui concerne les efforts de participation et de consultation publique au cours de la derniére décennie. Nos conclusions démontrent qu'en dépit des divers rôles tenus et diverses responsabilités assumées par les décideurs de I'Ontario et du Québec, leur déision de consulter leurs communautés est guidée par les mêmes principaux objectifs: obtenir de I'information de la communauté et lui en foumir; assurer des processus de prise de déisions justes, transparents et légitimes et obtenir I'aval de leur décision. Les décideurs ont également reconnu le besoin de repenser les approches visant à faire participer le public aux processus de prise de décisions suite à I'échec perçu des expériences antérieures de participation et de consultation du public. Alors que certains partisans de la participation ont été clairement découragés par ces expériences, un grand nombre envisagent avec optimisme les processus de consultation communautaire. Ils croient que les consultations pourraient être plus focalisées et plus déterminées visant des objectifs clairs et une évaluation plus formelle et empreinte d'une bonne dose de pragmatisme. 相似文献
929.
Amy Stuart Brigitta Olubas Gail Mason Julie‐Ann Ellis Jyanni Steffensen 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1997,12(26):357-363
Lyndall Ryan (ed.), ‘Secret Women's Business: The Hindmarsh Island Affair’, Special issue of Journal of Australian Studies (University of Queensland Press) Brisbane, no. 48, May 1996.
Gisela Kaplan, The Meagre Harvest: The Australian Women's Movement 1950s~1990s (Allen & Unwin) St Leonards, 1996.
R. Emerson Dobash, Russell P. Dobash and Lesley Noaks (eds), Gender and Crime (University of Wales Press) Cardiff, 1995.
Deborah Oxley, Convict Maids: The Forced Migration of Women to Australia (Cambridge University Press) Melbourne, 1996.
Elizabeth Grosz and Elspeth Probyn (eds),’ Sexy Bodies: The Strange Carnalities of Feminism (Routledge), London and New York, 1995. 相似文献
930.
Roy Gava Frédéric Varone André Mach Steven Eichenberger Julien Christe Corinne Chao‐Blanco 《Swiss Political Science Review》2017,23(1):77-94
This research note presents an innovative dataset of Swiss MPs’ interest ties between 2000‐2011. The longitudinal analysis shows that the average number of interest ties per MP has more than doubled: from 3.5 in 2000 to 7.6 in 2011. Since the mid‐2000s, public interest groups have accounted for approximately one out of two ties between MPs and interest groups, showing the strongest increase during the period. However, when looking at the most present individual groups, important business groups dominate and appear well connected with the governmental parties of the political right. Finally, interest groups are also able to forge themselves a strategic presence within the parliamentary committees that are the most relevant for their policy issues. Next research steps include the assessment of the (un)biased access of interest groups to the parliamentary venue and their policy influence. 相似文献