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201.
With an increasing number of young people turning away from traditional news sources, an important question for democracy is whether alternative sources can help learning about politics and current affairs. In this study, we examine to what extent informal political talk with friends, family, and peers narrows or widens knowledge gaps amongst young people by compensating those with low news media use (“helping the poor”), amplifying news media effects amongst those with high news media use (“the rich get richer”), or distracting those with high news media use (“taxing the rich”). To test these different potentials, we take advantage of a four-wave panel study fielded ahead of the Danish National Election in 2015 among a sample of Danish first-time voters (ages 17 to 21). Our results show that informal political talk functions mostly as a compensator by informing those with low news media use about current political affairs and thereby helps decrease knowledge gaps caused by different levels of news media use. 相似文献
202.
Fatima‐Zohra Mokrane M.R. Fabrice Dedouit M.D. Ph.D. Stéphane Gellée M.R. Nicolas Sans M.D. Ph.D. Hervé Rousseau M.D. Ph.D. Daniel Rougé M.D. Ph.D. Norbert Telmon M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(4):851-858
Adult sexual dimorphism is well established. However, data regarding fetuses are sparse with contradictory results. Our study aimed to look for fetal sexual dimorphism. Multislice computed tomography (MSCT) examinations and three‐dimensional (3D) reconstructions were recorded on 93 fetal iliac bones aged between 21 and 40 weeks of amenorrhea (WA). The collection was divided into two age groups, with a cutoff at 30 WA. The 3D geometric morphometric analysis was based on outline analysis. We used elliptic Fourier analysis (EFA) because of the difficulty of landmark positioning. Step‐by‐step reconstructions allowed a better comprehension of the fine shape details. Principal component analysis (PCA) and linear discriminant analysis (LDA) were performed on the two age groups. Results did not show any difference between male and female shapes, in both age groups. We demonstrate the feasibility of outline analysis for immature shapes, but sexual dimorphism has not been established in our collection. 相似文献
203.
Milena P. Pondé M.D. Ph.D. Jean Caron Ph.D. Milena S. S. Mendonça M.B.A. Antônio C. C. Freire M.D. Nicolas Moreau Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(5):1307-1314
This cross‐sectional study conducted in prisons in the city of Salvador, Bahia, Brazil, investigated the association between the presence of psychiatric disorders in 462 prisoners and the types of crimes committed by them. Psychiatric diagnosis was obtained by means of the Brazilian Portuguese version of the Mini‐International Neuropsychiatric Interview. A statistically significant association was found between some psychiatric disorders and specific groups of crime: lifelong substance addiction with sex crimes and homicide; antisocial personality disorder with robbery and with kidnapping and extortion; borderline personality disorder with sex crimes; and lifelong alcohol addiction with fraud and conspiracy and with armed robbery and murder. It was concluded that the mental disorders considered more severe (psychosis and bipolar disorder) were not associated with violent crimes, suggesting that the severity of the psychotic disorder may be the factor that has caused psychosis to be associated with violent crimes in previous studies. 相似文献
204.
Nicolas Carrier 《Critical Criminology》2011,19(4):331-350
Critical criminology and radical constructivism are frequently regarded as an impossible pair—or, at least, as a rather schizophrenic one. This is so, notably, because radical constructivism rests on the (paradoxical) abandonment of what Jean-François Lyotard named méta-récits. It rests on the refusal to distinguish between the phenomenal and the symbolic, and thus implies the complete vanishing of the classical difference between ontology and epistemology. This would consequently deprive criminology (or, more generally, the social sciences) of any anchoring point enabling a critical utterance. The present contribution’s thesis is that, on the contrary, radical constructivism can catalyze critical criminology. Among the possible contributions of a radically constructivist sociology of criminalization, this paper focuses on: its call for a reworking of the concept of social control, which avoids problems related to its contemporary usage; its focus on power and force, in a way which avoids Foucaultian perspectives’ aporetic elements, and problematizes every instance of legitimized authoritarian practices. 相似文献
205.
Nicolas Rost 《Human Rights Review》2011,12(4):417-440
This study examines the role of human rights violations as a harbinger of civil wars to come, as well as the links between
repression, state weakness, and conflict. Human rights violations are both part of the escalating process that may end in
civil war and can contribute to an escalation of conflict to civil war, particularly in weak states. The role of government
repression and state weakness in leading to civil war is tested empirically. The results show that both closely correlate
with civil war onset, especially if they are observed in combination. A two-stage model shows that, while low-level conflict
leads to human rights violations, they increase the risk of an escalation to civil war in turn. Human rights violations are
identified as an important aspect of understanding civil war onset as the result of an escalation over time and a clear early
warning sign of wars to come. 相似文献
206.
Franchitto N Faurie C Franchitto L Minville V Telmon N Rougé D 《Journal of forensic sciences》2011,56(3):638-642
Self-inflicted burns are rare in France, but they lead to major, often life-threatening complications. The authors reviewed medical data for patients hospitalized in a burn center from January 2004 to December 2008. Thirty-eight cases of self-inflicted burns were compared with 220 accidental burns. Women were predominantly affected (57.9%, n = 22). A psychiatric history (71%, n = 27) was more frequent in this population. The mean age of the victims was 38 years. The leading method of suicide was flame (94%, n = 36) associated with gasoline used as an accelerant (77.7%, n = 28). Mean total burn surface area (41.5%) and mortality (36.9%) were higher in the self-inflicted burn population. By recognizing epidemiological characteristics and patients at risk, we can better classify lesions related to self-immolation. It is important for the forensic physician to consult survival details to correlate these data with the results of autopsy. 相似文献
207.
Leuenberger N Lamon S Robinson N Giraud S Saugy M 《Forensic science international》2011,213(1-3):101-103
C.E.R.A. (Continuous Erythropoietin Receptor Activator) is a new third-generation erythropoiesis-stimulating agent that has recently been linked with abuse in endurance sports. The anti-doping community rapidly reacted by releasing a high-throughput screening ELISA allowing the detection of C.E.R.A. doping in athletes' blood. In order to return adverse analytical findings, anti-doping laboratories, however, need, as far as possible, to confirm the presence of the drug in athletes' samples through orthogonal methods. This article focuses on the comparison of 2 proposed confirmation assays based on gel electrophoresis that were coupled with a new sample immunopurification method. IEF, the classical method used to target erythropoietin (EPO) and its recombinant analogues in athletes' samples, and SARKOSYL-PAGE were applied to the plasma samples of subjects having received a single injection of C.E.R.A. It was demonstrated that SARKOSYL-PAGE was at least 6 times more sensitive than IEF, with comparable specificity. A longer detection window coupled with easier interpretation criteria led us to recommend the use of SARKOSYL-PAGE to confirm C.E.R.A. presence in athletes' blood. 相似文献
208.
Nicolas Cherny 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(5):622-634
Do governors control the behaviour of legislators from their provinces and parties in the national congress? The aim of the article is to test gubernatorial subnational political influence on national legislators. I first discuss the problems of the logic behind empirical exercises that measure the legislative influence of governors. Then the study tests gubernatorial influence using quasi-experimental evidence from Argentina, a federalism that bears all the hallmarks for governors to be central actors in the legislative arena. The results support the hypothesis that governors influence the behaviour of legislators from their provinces and parties in the national congress. 相似文献