全文获取类型
收费全文 | 353篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 17篇 |
工人农民 | 39篇 |
世界政治 | 17篇 |
外交国际关系 | 14篇 |
法律 | 191篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 17篇 |
政治理论 | 64篇 |
综合类 | 11篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 8篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 23篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 38篇 |
2012年 | 31篇 |
2011年 | 14篇 |
2010年 | 22篇 |
2009年 | 19篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 19篇 |
2006年 | 14篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有371条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
21.
Nicole Tyson 《European Law Journal》2007,13(3):408-423
Abstract: This article examines the European approach to joint venture regulation. It updates previous analysis by examining the impact of modernisation reforms on joint venture regulation in Europe. It is argued that although the changes on the whole are conducive to joint venture activity, problematic aspects of regulation were either unaddressed, or could be provoked by, the reform. In particular, the substantive and procedural divide in legal treatment of 'concentrative' and 'cooperative' joint venture arrangements continues to engender some difficulty. 相似文献
22.
Nicole Bayat Grajewski 《中东政策》2023,30(2):38-61
At the 2021 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit, the Russian- and Chinese-led bloc announced the approval of Iran's longstanding bid for membership. Iran has viewed its involvement in the organization as a means of bolstering external legitimacy, fostering security-oriented regionalism, and promoting the transition toward the so-called multipolar world order. The SCO has served as a regime-preservation network by providing Iran with a source of solidarity against external pressure. Tehran's commitment to the normative order, sustained by the SCO's discourse of noninterference, sovereignty, and countering the “three evils”—terrorism, extremism, and separatism—has galvanized the organization's role as a common front against the imposition of liberal norms and challenges to regime security. 相似文献
23.
Nicole D. Foster 《Commonwealth Law Bulletin》2017,43(2):153-178
This paper examines the participation of member states of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) in the World Trade Organisation (WTO)’s dispute settlement system and its associated negotiations. In so doing, it highlights the dispute settlement system’s important contribution to the WTO and the need for CARICOM member states to engage more actively with this aspect of the WTO’s work. The paper concludes by articulating some of the lessons learnt from CARICOM member states’ experiences to date and offering some concrete suggestions on how the region can improve its current record of engagement. 相似文献
24.
Walter E. Bruehs Nicole M. Tucker Kimberly A. Meline 《Journal of forensic sciences》2022,67(1):200-206
Often, criminal acts involving a vehicle are caught on digital video surveillance systems. While potentially useful for an investigation, the recording conditions are typically less than optimal for the extraction of key information for the identification of the perpetrator, such as a license plate. Providing the make, model and year of a questioned vehicle is a common request for examiners, to narrow the field of potential suspect vehicles. This study seeks to compare the performance of a nonpeer-reviewed make, model, and year determination between two separate groups, specifically, trained forensic image examiners and nontrained individuals. Results show that even with varied image capture conditions and quality, the trained forensic image examiners more correctly and completely identified the test group of questioned vehicles make, model, and year. 相似文献
25.
Nicole F. Bernier 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2009,52(1):71-89
Abstract: Modern health‐care systems in OECD countries were built around hospitals and the preferences of organized medicine and are largely focused on acute‐care services and services provided by doctors. Starting in the early 1980s, however, the professionalization in several countries of trades traditionally involved in health promotion, together with the constitution of a group of researchers in social epidemiology and the corresponding development of specialized schools and research centres, brought new actors into health policy‐making worldwide. This led to the extension of contemporary health policy beyond the post‐war bio‐medical model into population health promotion and social policy. This article describes and analyses the means (and limitations) used by Canada and Sweden for extending the action radius of health policies. Results show that national policies in health promotion beyond the health sector contributed above all to developing and legitimizing an official discourse that presents social problems as factors affecting social inequalities in health. Health promotion represented a tool for maintaining central social norms, as national governments were re‐defining their role in social policy. Sommaire: Les systèmes modernes de soins de santé dans les pays de l'OCDE ont été construits autour d'hôpitaux et des préférences de la médecine organisée et sont essentiellement axés sur les services de soins intensifs de courte durée et les services médicaux. Cependant, depuis le début des années 1980, la professionnalisation des métiers traditionnellement impliqués dans la promotion de la santé survenue dans plusieurs pays, associée à la constitution d'un groupe de chercheurs en épidémiologie sociale et le développement d'écoles et de centres de recherche spécialisés ont introduit de nouveaux acteurs dans l'élaboration de politiques en matière de santéà l'échelle mondiale. Cela a entraîné une transformation de la politique de la santé contemporaine, qui a dépassé le modèle biomédical d'après‐guerre pour s'étendre à la promotion de la santé de la population et à la politique sociale. Le présent article décrit et analyse les moyens utilisés par le Canada et la Suède pour étendre le rayon d'action des politiques de la santé et les limites auxquelles ils font face. Les résultats indiquent que les politiques nationales visant la promotion de la santé au‐delà du secteur de la santé ont contribué avant tout à développer un discours officiel qui présente les problèmes sociaux comme des facteurs ayant une incidence sur les inégalités sociales de la santé. La promotion de la santé a représenté un outil pour maintenir des normes sociales nationales, alors que les gouvernements centraux redéfinissaient leur rôle en matière de politique sociale. 相似文献
26.
The use of affirmative action to increase women's representation in employment is recognized under European Community law. The European Court of Justice has identified affirmative action permissible under EC law and what constitutes reverse discrimination, deemed incompatible with the equal treatment principle. Despite these developments, gendered occupational segregation — vertical and horizontal — persists in all member states as evidenced by enduring pay gaps. It is widely argued that we now need national measures which take advantage of the appropriate framework and requisite political will which exists at the European level. Faced with a similar challenge, the Canadian government passed the Employment Equity Act 1986 which places an obligation on federal employers to implement employment equity (affirmative action) by proactive means. Although subject to some criticism, there have been some improvements in women's representation since its introduction. This article assesses what lessons might be learned from Canada's experience. 相似文献
27.
Implementing Democratic Equality in Political Parties: Organisational Consequences in the Swedish and the German Pirate Parties 下载免费PDF全文
Nicole Bolleyer Conor Little Felix‐Christopher von Nostitz 《Scandinavian political studies》2015,38(2):158-178
This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra‐organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank‐and‐file membership and – depending on party structure – high levels of internal conflict. To substantiate the arguments, two parties that implement principles of democratic equality in their organisations are examined: the Swedish and German Pirate parties. These cases show, first, that while organisational structures implementing norms of equality allowed them to rapidly mobilise a considerable following, the same structures systematically reduced their capacity to consolidate support in the longer term – a weakness that might eventually put these parties' survival at risk. Second, they show that differences in the extent to which subnational units provide a foundation for member mobilisation helps to explain variation in the level of internal conflict experienced by these parties. 相似文献
28.
29.
30.