首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   318篇
  免费   8篇
各国政治   16篇
工人农民   11篇
世界政治   63篇
外交国际关系   20篇
法律   151篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   63篇
综合类   1篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   2篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   12篇
  2016年   8篇
  2015年   14篇
  2014年   9篇
  2013年   85篇
  2012年   9篇
  2011年   5篇
  2010年   8篇
  2009年   13篇
  2008年   11篇
  2007年   9篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   9篇
  2004年   11篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   7篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   7篇
  1999年   4篇
  1998年   4篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   3篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   6篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   5篇
  1989年   2篇
  1987年   2篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   3篇
  1981年   4篇
  1980年   7篇
  1978年   3篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   1篇
  1975年   2篇
  1970年   2篇
  1968年   1篇
  1967年   1篇
排序方式: 共有326条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
292.
293.
This paper addresses the problem of democratic elitism within the context of Western European politics. An entrenched assertion of the so-calledelitist theory of democracy is that elites are more strongly committed to democratic values such as political tolerance than are ordinary citizens. The processes through which elites become more tolerant include political socialization, resocialization, political practice, and experience. Some have even argued that elites are the primary carriers of thedemocratic creed. Our purpose here is to test several hypothese drawn from elitist theory. Relying on opinion surveys conducted in each of the twelve nations of the European Community in 1988, we focus on political tolerance. Our basic hypothesis is that political activism contributes to greater political tolerance. Special attention is given to a sample of opinion leaders as a test of the elitist theory. The analysis is conducted both at the level of the individual citizen and the level of the nation state. This is one of very few efforts to test elitist theory from a broad, cross-national perspective. Consequently, the analysis will be crucial in recasting elitist theory to comport more closely with empirical evidence.  相似文献   
294.
295.
296.
October 1996 marked the beginning of a new era in New Zealand politics, with the advent of a system of proportional representation based on the German model. This article explores the impact of electoral reform on the public service. First, it summarises the extensive public sector reforms during the mid-to-late 1980s and considers the preparations undertaken by the public service for proportional representation. Second, it outlines the concerns and expectations about the likely consequences of the new electoral system on the bureaucracy. Third, against this background, the article examines the extent to which the public service has been affected by electoral reform. It is argued that despite some notable changes to the political environment within which officials operate, the overall impact of proportional representation on the public service to date has been modest. The analysis presented here is based on a series of interviews conducted during 1997 with ministers, senior public servants, ministerial advisers and parliamentary officials, along with a range of secondary sources.  相似文献   
297.
This article assesses the development of theories of judicial behavior in the United States in the past few decades. It is argued that the study of judicial behavior has been relatively balkanized, with some advances within particular theoretical contexts, but with little successful effort at integrating different approaches within a comprehensive theory. Although I develop no such comprehensive theory in this article, I do argue that the predominant frameworks for analyzing judicial behavior—attitude theory, fact pattern theory, role theory, small group theory, organization theory, and environmental theories—are not incompatible and can be at least partially integrated. In order to accomplish the desired integration, there are three desiderata:
  • The most general and useful unit of theoretical analysis is the individual decision maker.
  • Nonindividual level theories can and should be articulated to include propositions about the underlying microlevel processes.
  • Comprehensive theory can best be developed through models that incorporate influences stemming from various levels (e.g., group, institution, environment) but that ultimately focus on the individual.
Thus, theories of judicial behavior must become more complex if they are to achieve a higher level of explanation and prediction.  相似文献   
298.
This article focuses on developments towards an EU educational policy. Education was not included as one of the Community competencies in the Treaty of Rome. The first half of the article analyses the way that the European Court of Justice and the Commission of the European Communities between them managed to develop a series of substantial Community programmes out of Article 128 on vocational training. The second half of the article discusses educational developments in the community following the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty of Amsterdam. Whilst the legal competence of the community now includes education, the author's argument is that the inclusion of an educational competence will not result in further developments to mirror those in the years before the Treaty on European Union. If the 1980s were a decade of expansion, the medium‐term future is likely to be one of consolidation.  相似文献   
299.
300.
How does the territorial distribution of political and economic resources within national polities influence politics and policy making? This article examines the electoral dynamics of market reform in Argentina between 1989 and 1995. It provides insights into the way that the distribution of economic and institutional resources in federal systems shapes policy making and coalition building options for reformist governments. The electoral viability of the governing Peronist Party during the economic reform period was facilitated by the regional phasing of the costs of market reform. Structural reforms were concentrated primarily on economically developed regions of the country, while public spending and patronage in economically marginal but politically overrepresented regions sustained support for the governing party. Statistical analyses contrast patterns of spending and public sector employment in “metropolitan” and “peripheral” regions of the country during the reform period, as well as the social bases of electoral support in those regions. A conceptual distinction between “high-maintenance” and “low-maintenance” constituencies is also introduced to shed light on the dynamics of patronage spending in contexts of market reform.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号