Combating Depopulation in the Northern Periphery: Local Leadership Strategies in two Norwegian Municipalities

This article concerns how the municipal organisation and its leaders respond to challenges posed by the post-industrial era, in the form of shrinking employment opportunities and population decline. By developing distinct policies of supporting cultural and new economic initiatives, they depart from traditional steering modes and engage in ‘networked governance’ to safeguard community viability. This extends the scope of what we normally expect of local government, as it implies practices and de facto decision making outside the public realm. With these strategies, municipal leaders show that they are eager to do something for the people in the municipality. Their relative success in the use of governance methods might be regarded as new ways of legitimising the politicians' and the municipalities' role. In this respect, creating policies that relate to the formation of community identity may be an important asset.     

Crime and mental disorders among native Dutch and ethnic minority juvenile defendants in the Netherlands

We examined the prevalence of mental disorders and the recommendations regarding criminal responsibility and treatment in pre-trial mental health evaluations requested by Dutch juvenile courts for youths between the ages of 12 to 17. Youths of native Dutch (n = 2694) and of ethnic minority background (n = 1393) were compared. The prevalence of mental disorders was similar for both groups (76.8% versus 74.4%). Criminal responsibility in native Dutch youth was more often considered ‘diminished’ or ‘strongly diminished’ than in ethnic minority youth. Admission to a juvenile institution was more often recommended for ethnic minority juveniles than for native Dutch juveniles. It remains unclear from our data whether these differences reflect a false stereotype of ethnic minority populations as being more dangerous and threatening.     

A Closer Look at Reporting Bias in Conflict Event Data

Recent data collections about political violence are frequently based on media reports, which can lead to reporting bias. This is an issue in particular for the emergent literature on communication technology and conflict, since this technology may not only affect violence, but also the reporting about it. Using the effect of cellphones on violence as an example, this article presents a quantitative assessment of reporting bias in a micro‐level analysis. Comparing media‐based event reports and those from military sources, the results show that the purported violence‐increasing effect of cellphone coverage is partly due to higher reporting rates of violence in cellphone‐covered areas. A simple diagnostic procedure for this problem is implemented. Applied to the analysis of cellphones and violence in Africa, it produces a pattern that is consistent with reporting bias driving much of the effect found in the Pierskalla and Hollenbach (2013) study about this topic.     

Something old,something new,something borrowed: Explaining varieties of professionalism in citizen collaboration through identity theory

Public professionals are increasingly involved in collaborative relationships with citizens to design, implement and evaluate public services. We investigate how actors derive a specific social identity from the institutional logic of cross‐sectoral collaboration and how this social identity translates into the self‐identities of professionals. Based on an analysis of 44 semi‐structured interviews in Germany, we examine how public professionals combine the different social identities in collaborative projects and extract three varieties of professionalism: the protective professional, the tripartite professional and the collaboration professional. Our study contributes to recent discussions on hybrid identities and identity conflicts in public management. The findings raise questions on the compatibility of different social identities in collaborative settings and thus shed light on the difficulties public professionals face in citizen collaboration.     

Born Weak,Growing Strong: Anti‐Government Protests as a Signal of Rebel Strength in the Context of Civil Wars

All rebel organizations start weak, but how do they grow and achieve favorable conflict outcomes? We present a theoretical model that allows for rebel organizations to gain support beyond their “core” and build their bargaining power during fighting. We highlight that rebel organizations need to win over crucial parts of society to generate the necessary support that allows them to attain favorable civil conflict outcomes. We find empirical support for the argument that low‐income individuals who initially fight the government (rebel organizations) have to convince middle‐class individuals to turn out against the government to gain government concessions. Empirically, we demonstrate that government concessions in the form of peace agreements and the onset of negotiations become more likely when protest occurs in the context of civil conflicts.

Replication Materials

The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: http://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/MYDZNF .

     

Arms Acquisition Patterns and the Dynamics of Armed Conflict: Lessons from the Niger Delta

Arms acquisition is a crucial venture for armed insurgency groups for carrying out their militant activities. I argue that the specific manner in which these groups obtain weapons may have important consequences for the dynamics of violent intrastate conflict. While most previous studies of the relationship between arms acquisition and armed conflict have focused solely on the impact of arms availability, in this article I analyze the impact of two specific aspects of arms acquisition patterns—the methods and the degree of leadership control—on the dynamics and nature of armed conflict in a qualitative case study of the armed conflict in the Niger Delta (Nigeria) between 1995 and 2005. I conclude that the specific arms acquisition method and the degree of leadership control over this process have strongly affected the dynamics of the conflict.     

Health Policy Prior to the German Federal Election of 2013: The Party Political Marginalisation of a Previously Central Topic in Election Campaigns

The discussion on how to finance the Statutory Health Insurance (SHI) repeatedly appeared prominently in the political discussions of previous election campaigns for the German Bundestag. However, in 2013 this topic remained only marginal. The recent marginalisation of health policy is closely linked to the political processes and results inherent to a health ministry having the FDP at its helm from 2009 to 2013. The effects of several fundamental reforms introduced during this period closely follow the disputed market orientation of the liberal democratic thought and rendered the corresponding results. However, this was hardly perceived in public and the political discussion was distracted from health policy. The most ambitious project of the FDP and of parts of the Christian parties was the introduction of a health premium. Actually the CSU opposed its realisation. Other policies even contrasted the goals of the FDP.