Economic Integration,Party Polarisation and Electoral Turnout

Recent research provides evidence that economic integration has a negative effect on electoral turnout. Taking up these recent findings, this article explores the causal chain in more detail. Specifically, it argues that one way by which economic integration affects the calculus of voting is through the positioning of political parties. The expectation is that the polarisation between parties on an economic left–right scale is lower the more integrated an economy is. Consequently, electoral turnout should be lower with less polarisation in the party system. The article employs aggregate-level data from legislative elections in 24 developed democracies. Using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, evidence is found not only that economic integration has a negative effect on party polarisation as measured on an economic left–right dimension, but also that this in turn exerts a negative effect on electoral turnout.     

Dental maturity curves in Finnish children: Demirjian's method revisited and polynomial functions for age estimation

Dental maturity was studied from 2213 dental panoramic radiographs of healthy ethnic Finns from southern Finland, aged between 2 and 19 years. The aim was to provide new Finnish maturity tables and curves and to compare the efficiency of Demirjian's method when differently weighted scores and polynomial regressions are used. The inter-ethnic variations lead us to calculate specific Finnish weighted scores. Demirjian's method gives maturity score as a function of age and seems better adapted for clinicians because, in their case, the maturity score is unknown. Polynomial functions give age as a function of maturity score and are statically adapted for age estimation studies. Finnish dental maturity tables and development curves are given for Demirjian's method and for polynomial functions. Sexual dimorphism is established for the same weighted score for girls and boys, and girls present a greater maturity than boys for all of age groups. Polynomial functions are highly reliable (0.19% of misclassifies) and the percentile method, using Finnish weighted scores, is very accurate (+/- 1.95 years on average, between 2 and 18 years of age). This suggests that polynomial functions are most useful in forensic sciences, while Demirjian's method is most useful for dental health clinicians.     

Barriers and Opportunities for Primary Care Delivery Systems: A Case Study from the County Council of Uppsala, Sweden

Reallocation of resources from hospital care to primary care outside the hospitals is one of the leading ideas in Swedish health policy. Since the middle of the 1970's a system of long-term planning at the county level has been the main instrument of realizing this aim. In this case-study of the implementation of a current long-term plan in the county of Uppsala, the problems of health policy planning in a situation of economic crisis are illustrated. The attempt at planning according to the rational model is shown to have been impeded by, among other things, the incremental strategy of budgeting, which was natural in the days of affluence. In the present situation of low economic growth and strong political demands for restrictions on the growth of the health care sector, particularly as regards the hospitals, incremental budgeting will probably have to give way to a more comprehensive form of planning, such as the mixed-scanning strategy.     

Policy Preference Formation in Legislative Politics: Structures, Actors, and Focal Points

This article introduces a model of policy preference formation in legislative politics. Emphasizing a dynamic relationship between structure, agent, and decision-making process, it ties the question of policy choice to the dimensionality of the normative and cognitive political space and the strategic actions of parliamentary agenda setters. The model proposes that structural factors, such as ideology, shape policy preferences to the extent that legislative actors successfully link them to specific policy proposals through the strategic provision of focal points. These ideas or images shift attention toward particular aspects of a legislative proposal, thus shaping the dominant interpretation of its content and consequences. This interpretation affects both individual-level policy preferences and policy outcomes. The propositions of the focal-point model are tested empirically in a detailed examination of European Union legislation on cross-border takeover bids, using both qualitative and quantitative methods.     

Populistische Demokratiekonzeptionen und die Wahl der AfD: Evidenz aus einer Panelstudie

This contribution studies the effect of populist conceptions of democracy on voting for populist parties drawing on the case of the “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD). Building on dominant definitions of populism, we conceptualize a populist orientation towards democracy via three elements–the privilege of the majority will over minority rights, the demand for absolute responsiveness from representatives to the majority will and negative views of political pluralism–and propose a corresponding measurement model. Our empirical analysis shows that such populist conceptions of democracy are particularly strong among AfD supporters. Moreover, they exhibit significant and substantial effects on voting intentions for the AfD in multivariate analyses and, leveraging the panel structure of the data, are able to predict changes in party preferences towards the AfD over time.     

When Do Displaced Persons Return? Postwar Migration among Christians in Mount Lebanon

Under what conditions will forcibly displaced persons return to their original homes after wars end? We draw on theories of labor migration to show that even displaced persons who have positive feelings toward their original location may nevertheless choose to return as regular visitors rather than permanent residents unless the location offers attractive economic opportunities. Furthermore, we argue that violence can create negative emotions not only toward geographic locations of bloodshed but also against its perpetrators. After ethnic wars, the displaced may be unwilling to return to intermixed locations, exacerbating ethnic separation. We study postwar migration among Lebanese Christians displaced during the 1980s and identify economic conditions using exogenous price shocks for olive oil, a major local export. Among policy implications for economic reconstruction and transitional justice, our most important insight is that sometimes we should help the displaced in their new location rather than induce permanent return to their old homes.     

Luck Egalitarianism and the Rights of Immigrants

This article considers the implications of luck egalitarianism for a range of issues relating to international, South‐North migration. More specifically, the implications of luck egalitarianism for the question of whether receiving societies are justified in extending to immigrants a less comprehensive set of rights than that enjoyed by other members of society are considered. First, are voluntary migrants responsible for their migration in such a way that receiving societies are justified in extending to them a less comprehensive set of rights than if, say, they had been involuntary migrants, or citizens of the destination country? Since luck egalitarianism aims to redistribute only for inequalities for which individuals are not responsible, there is an issue of whether it will hold individuals responsible for their choice of migration in such a way that it may justify asymmetrical sets of rights between voluntary immigrants and other members of society. Second, it may be possible to allow access for a larger number of disadvantaged migrants if they are granted access to a less extensive package of rights when they reach the destination country than if they were granted access to a more extensive such package. If so, may not the less extensive package of rights turn out to have a greater positive impact on global equality? Both these arguments are critically discussed and it is concluded that neither justifies extending to immigrants a less comprehensive set of rights.