C. Reviews and notes: bibliographies and works of reference

i. ISLAMIC BOOK REVIEW INDEX. Compiled by Wolfgang H. Behn Berlin, Adiyok. Vol.2, 1983, pp.239; Vol.3, 1984, pp.234. Each DM 60.

ii. L'ORIENT DES PROVENÇAUX DMNS L'HISTOIRE. Marseille, Archives Departementales, Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie, 1982. pp.472.

iii. TUNISIA. By Allan M. Findlay, Anne M.Findlay & R.I.Lawless. (World Bibliographical Series, 33). Oxford & Santa Barbara, Clio Press, 1982. pp.xxviii, 251, map. £28.

iv. INDEX ISLAMICUS 1976–1980. Part 1: ARTICLES, compiled by J.D.Pearson. Part 2: MONOGRAPHS, compiled by J.D.Pearson & Wolfgang BEHN London, Mansell, 1983. 2 vols. pp.xliii, 539, xii, 348. Pt.1 £45; Pt.2 £30.

v. EXPOSITION: LETTRES ET VISAGES DU LIBAN ET DE L'ORIENT, organisée par PHILIPPE DUVOLLET avec la collaboration de la Délégation Permanente du Liban auprès de l'UNESCO. Paris, AGECOOP, 1983. pp.137.

vi. DAS ARABISCHE BUCH: THE ARAB BOOK. EINE AUSSTELLUNG ARABISCHER HANDSCHRIFTEN DER CHESTER BEATTY LIBRARY, DUBLIN...AUS ANLASS DES EURO‐ARABISCHEN DIALOGES, KULTURELLES SYMPOSIUM 1983: AN EXHIBITION OF ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS FROM THE CHESTER BEATYY LIBRARY, DUBLIN...ON THE OCCASION OF THE EURO‐ARAB DIALOGUE, CULTURAL SYMPOSIUM APRIL 1983. By David James. Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, 1983. pp.34.

vii. SAUDI MEDICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY. By M.Monir Madkour and Aida J. Kudwah. Edinburgh, Churchill Livingstone, 1983. Vol.I, 1887–1980, pp.284, £35.00; Vol.II, 1981 & 1982, pp.269, £30.00.

viii. LUCHTMANS & BRILL: DRIEHONDERD JAAR UTTGEVERS EN DRUKKERS IN LEIDEN 1683–1983: CATALOGUS VAN DE TENTOONSTELLING GEHOUDEN VAN l SEPTEMBER TOT 1 OKTOBER 1983 IN BET GEMEENTE‐ARCHIEF TE LEIDEN. Leiden, Brill, 1983. pp.74. Plates & illustrations.

ix. PHILOLOGIA ORIENTALIS: A DESCRIPTION OF BOOKS ILLUSTRATING THE STUDY AND PRINTING OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES IN EUROPE. II. SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. (Catalogue 524.) Leiden, Brill, 1983. pp.220. Facsimiles & type‐specimens.

x. ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS IN EGYPT, PAKISTAN AND IRAN: AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY. By Asaf Hussain. London, Mansell, 1983. pp.xiv, 168. £16.50.

xi. THE SUBLIME QUR'AN AND ORIENTALISM. By Mohammad Khalifa. London, Longman, 1983. pp.xviii, 262. £11.95.

xii. THE UNIVERSALITY OF ISLAM: a REFUTATION OF HOSTILE CRITICISM By ORIENTALISTS. By Nur‐Ud‐Din Muneer. London, London Mosque, 1983. pp.iv, 26.

xiii. ISLAMIC STUDIES, ORIENTALISTS AND MUSLIM SCHOLARS. By S.Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi. Translated by Mohiuddin Ahmad. Lucknow, Academy of Islamic Research and Publications, 1983. pp.11, 64. Indian Rs.6.

xiv. FAHARIS MAKHTUTAT AL‐KHIZANA AL‐HASANIYYA HASABA ARQAMI‐HA ‘ALA AL‐RUFUF (1). Tasnif MUHAMMAD AL‐MANUUNI. Rabat, al‐Matba'a al‐Malakiyya, 1403/1983. pp.23 + 315.

xv. L'ÉGYPTIEN TEL QU'ON L'ÉCRIT: GLOSSAIRE ÉTABLI D'APRES UN CHOIX D'OEUVRES LITTÉRAIRES ÉGYPTIENNES CONTEMPORAINES. Compiled by Charles Vial. (Textes Arabes et Études Islamiques, Tome XVIII) Cairo, Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, 1983. pp.xxiii, 382.

xvii. IMMIGRANTS, MINORITIES AND RACE RELATIONS: A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THESES AND DISSERTATIONS PRESENTED AT BRITISH AND IRISH UNIVERSITIES 1900–1981. By Victor F. Gilbert and Darshan Singh Tatla, with an introduction by Colin Holmes. London and New York, Mansell, 1984. pp.153. £13.50.

xviii. SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: A BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEY. By Ali Banuazizi, with the assistance of Prouchestia Goodarzi. London and New York, Mansell Publishing Ltd., 1984. xviii, pp.248. £18.00.

xix. THE YEMENS. Compiled by G.Rex Smith. (World Bibliographical Series, 50). Oxford, Clio Press, 1984. pp.161, 1 map. Price £20.75.

xx. THE ROLE OF NATIONAL LIBRARIES IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SAUDI ARABIA. By Abdulaziz Mohamed Al‐Nahari. London & New York, Mansell, 1984. pp.166. £18.50.     

International Criminal Courts and Political Reconciliation

In A Moral Theory of Political Reconciliation, Colleen Murphy devotes a full chapter to arguing that international criminal trials make significant contributions to political reconciliation within post-conflict and transitional societies. While she is right to claim that these trials serve an important function, I take issue with her with respect to what that important function is. Whereas Murphy focuses on the contributions international criminal prosecutions might make to political reconciliation within the borders of transitional societies, I claim instead that their primary function is to restore order at the international level and to dispense justice. The aims of justice are not always consistent with the aims of reconciliation. Moreover, several features of international criminal trials should give us pause with respect even to how well, in fact, they manage to serve the ends of international justice.     

Transpersonal consciousness in elicitive teaching

ABSTRACT

In this article I explore the role of transpersonal consciousness in Peace Education. Following the framework of transrational peace philosophy, I discuss the dynamics between the spiritual and policitary layers and their relevance in preparing for elicitive teaching, curriculum design, and developing pedagogical approaches. I use my personal experiences in elicitive peace education to elucidate opportunities for the practical application of transpersonal consciousness in the classroom. This article concludes that in Peace Education, engaging with the transpersonal layer supports deeper transformations within and beyond the classroom that includes shifting of personal awareness and deepening of perspectives, as well as the capacity for the group to become a resource for learning.     

Employer aversion to criminal records: An experimental study of mechanisms

The mark of a criminal record is clearly harmful for employment. The reasons for employer aversion, however, are not well established even though legal, policy, and scholarly responses rely on particular explanations. We propose that explanations for aversion often fit under a repetition risk framework in which employers use records as neutral sources of information about prior illegal activity and make decisions to minimize risk of similar future conduct. A second explanation is stigma, in which the records themselves, independent of conduct, trigger stereotypes, status loss, and discrimination. Using an experimental employer survey, we find that employers evaluate applicants with records more negatively than they do applicants with similar behavior signaled through non-criminal-justice sources (e.g., social media); this effect remains after accounting for predictions about future conduct. It is also most apparent among higher status jobs rather than among manual labor jobs, and it persists after adjusting for firm-level and legal constraints. We conclude that aversion reflects not only repetition risk but also the stigma of criminal justice contact. Insofar as criminal record screening is not exclusively a form of rational risk management, this finding may lead to altered assessments of the benefits of screening relative to the costs of perpetuating inequality produced by the criminal justice system.     

Red Lines and Compromises: Mapping Underlying Complexities of Brexit Preferences

The political discourse is characterised by two opposing ideals of hard and soft Brexit. In this article, we present evidence of attitudinal types that map neatly onto these archetypal views. The hard Brexit view is defined by issues that eurosceptics prioritise, most prominently sovereignty. By contrast, europhiles prioritise cooperation with Europe in terms of scientific collaboration and market access. However, attitudinal types are not either/or in the minds of the British public, and many prioritise all or none of the issues. Further, the two opposing positions together account for 37 per cent of the public's view. That is, just over one‐third differentiate between the salient issues in ways congruent with political ideals. National identity plays a particular role in the sociodemographic profiles of these attitude types. Older people have a strong stance in any direction (sovereignty, cooperation, or both), but national identity is linked to differentiated positions (sovereignty only or cooperation only).     

Nur Otan,Informal Networks and the Countering of Elite Instability in Kazakhstan: Bringing the ‘Formal’ Back In

As opposed to the current literature which argues that informal politics pervades formal institutions in Kazakhstan and Central Asia more widely, this article argues that Nur Otan, the political party of the President of Kazakhstan, acts as a formal institution to counter the instability generated by informal networks competing for access to political and economic resources. This is achieved by consolidating the political parties associated with these networks into Nur Otan and the synchronisation of the party and the state apparatus. However, the extent to which Nur Otan can provide this stabilising function in the long term is dependent upon regime dynamics.     

Distributive Justice and Attitudes Toward the Welfare State

Current debates concerning the viability of the welfare state evoke the question of the social bases of support of the welfare state. Past research has documented fairly consistent relationships between sociodemographic characteristics and attitudes toward welfare policies. Yet, the nature of these relationships is not well understood. In the paper we argue that the level of support for the welfare state is largely determined by the principles of distributive justice espoused by individuals as well as their images of society. We develop a theoretical framework, which outlines the structural relationship between social attributes, principles of justice, perceived conflict, and support for the welfare state. Using data from a recent population survey on the legitimation of inequality, conducted in Israel in 1999 (N = 1057), we test a number of hypotheses. For the empirical analysis we use structural equation modeling with multiple indicators. Our findings reveal substantial support for policies aimed at reducing inequality. At the same time we find strong support for rewards according to merit and unequal earnings distribution. The impact of social attributes on attitudes toward the welfare state is partially mediated by the justice principles and images of society.     

Second-Generation Policy Priorities for Colonias and Informal Settlements in Texas

Along the Texas border with Mexico, more than 400,000 people live in over 2,000 informal self-help settlements known as colonias. These exceedingly low-income, largely Latino settlements have historically suffered from severe health risks, poor infrastructure and housing conditions, and physical and social isolation. Researchers and policymakers have focused extensively on what I call “first-generation policy priorities.” This has primarily entailed efforts to regularize title and infrastructure, support self-help home improvement for colonia homeowners, and prevent the growth of new informal settlements along the border region. I provide a comprehensive review of existing research on colonias to document the myriad ways in which housing and infrastructure conditions and titling practices have changed since these settlements first proliferated throughout the border region in the second half of the 20th century. These changes necessitate a rethinking of the policy priorities for colonias and informal settlements throughout the state. In particular, I argue that colonias must be recast to recognize the significant improvements that have taken place but also the long-term and sometimes severe problems that persist. These “second-generation policy priorities” include the development of sustainable forms of governance, regulation, and finance to address ongoing infrastructure investment needs in colonias; supporting access to and upkeep of safe and affordable renter- and owner-occupied housing through both self-help and contractor-led projects; ensuring long-term title clarity; and promoting community organizing in new and aging settlements.     

Political Institutions and Pollution: Evidence from Coal‐Fired Power Generation

What is the relationship between political institutions and air pollution generated by the power sector? Here we focus on the association between democracy and power generated from coal, the most polluting of all fossil fuels. Using a new dataset on coal‐fired power plants commissioned between 1980 and 2016 in 71 countries, we find that the relationship between democracy and coal varies according to the environmental Kuznets curve logic. Democratic political institutions at lower levels of economic development are correlated with increased commissioning of coal power plants, as governments seek to appeal to an electorate prioritizing economic growth and affordable energy access. As a country becomes richer, democracy comes to have a negative association with coal power, as clean air becomes a more salient issue for the public.