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Oliver Carrick 《Development in Practice》2015,25(7):935-950
The evolution of participatory practices clearly evidences movement away from local participatory projects implemented with the use of participatory methodologies such as participatory rural appraisal, and towards citizen participation in government activities. This trend reflects development discourse concerning participation, and in particular responds to the critique aimed at local participatory development. Using case study data from Ecuador, the article discusses the previously overlooked effects of this phenomenon, namely a uniformity of participatory development practice and a lack of opportunities for people to engage in development activities that provide participation “as an end” benefits such as empowerment and confidence-building. 相似文献
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David Cutts Matthew Goodwin Oliver Heath Caitlin Milazzo 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(3):496-514
The 2019 European Parliament (EP) election took place against the backdrop of the vote for Brexit and the failure of Parliament to agree on a withdrawal agreement. Nigel Farage’s new Brexit Party topped the poll and the pro‐Remain Liberal Democrats, which called for a second referendum on EU membership, returned from electoral obscurity to take second place, while other pro‐Remain parties similarly performed well. In sharp contrast, the two main parties, Labour and the Conservatives, recorded their lowest combined vote share since they became the main representatives of the two‐party system. In this article, we draw on aggregate‐level data to explore what happened at the 2019 EP election in Great Britain. Our evidence suggests Labour suffered from a ‘pincer movement’, losing support in its mainly white, working class ‘left behind’ heartlands but also in younger cosmopolitan areas where Labour had polled strongly at the 2017 general election. Support for the new Brexit Party increased more significantly in ‘left behind’ communities, which had given strong support to Leave at the 2016 referendum, suggesting that national populists capitalised on Labour’s woes. The Conservatives haemorrhaged support in affluent, older retirement areas but largely at the expense of the resurgent Liberal Democrats, with the latter surging in Remain areas and where the Conservatives are traditionally strong, though not in areas with younger electorates where the party made so much ground prior to the 2010–2015 coalition government. Lastly, turnout increased overall compared with 2014, but individuals living in Leave areas were less motivated to vote. Overall, our findings suggest that those living in Remain areas were more driven to express their discontent with the Brexit process and more inclined to support parties that offer a second referendum on Britain’s EU membership. 相似文献
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Dr. Oliver Klöck 《Natur und Recht》2006,28(3):162-163
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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According to the U.S. Department of Justice’s Merger Guidelines, mergers determined to be anticompetitive are more likely than not to be challenged. Within an adversarial system, the corresponding process of merger control exhibits two kinds of inefficiencies: First, both the antitrust authority and the buyer spend considerable amounts of resources during litigation. Second, the anticompetitive merger is only prevented with a probability less than one. We can show that these inefficiencies may be smaller under a hostile than under a friendly takeover although the top management of the target firm is introduced as third player, spending additional resources during litigation. 相似文献
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Morris Davis James Finerty James Oliver 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1973,16(2):206-219
Abstract. While economic and technological difficulties greatly reduced Rolls-Royce's viability, its passing into receivership can be adequately explained only by invoking additional (and largely political) factors. In the absence of any automatic criteria for aborting a losing project, the Conservative government of the day responded to an abundance of consistently negative politioal implications. Unfortunately for its continued survival, the Rolls-Royce development of an RB-211 engine for Lockheed was civilian, not military; prosaic, not meta-phoric; ostensibly private, not openly governmental; internationally fluctuating, not domestically controllable; a weak coalition, not a strong partnership; profit oriented, not ideologically based; and narrowly subsidized, not internally fund-able. The Conservative response was probably not unique; and a Labour government wodd Iikely have reacted to these implications in roughly the same way. It is to the circumambient political factors rather than to determinative economic considerations, however, that the decisions reached by either party would be primarily traceable. Sommaire. Des difficultés économiques et technologiques réduisirent de beau-coup la viabilité de Rolls-Royce, mais sa mise en faillité ne peut vraiment s'expIi-quer qu'en invoquant d'autres facteurs complémentaires, surtout politiques. En I'absence de tout critère automatique pour faire avorter un projet non rentable, le gouvernement conservateur du moment réagit à une multitude d'implications politiques, toutes négatives. Malheureusement pour Rolls-Royce, la création d'un moteur RB-211 pour Lockheed était une entreprise civile et non pas militaire; prosaïque et non pas métaphorique; manifestement privée et non pas ouverte-ment gouvernementale; sujette à des fluctuations internationales et non pas contrôlable à I'échelle nationale; dirigée par une coalition faible et non pas par une association forte; à buts lucratifs et non pas idéologiques; subventionnée de facon limitée et non pas financée de I'intérieur. La réaction des conservateurs n'a sans doute rien de très étonnant et un gouvernement travailliste aurait sans doute, en gros, réagi de la même façon à ces données. Ce sont à des facteurs politiques ambiants plutòt qu'à des considérations économiques déterminantes qu'il faudrait attribuer avant tout les décisions prises par l'un ou I'autre parti. 相似文献
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This article considers the appropriate steps for trustees andbeneficiaries to take where the terms of their BVI trust areunclear, require amendment, or have unintended consequences.It is an essentially practical piece that provides a startingpoint for practitioners who find that their BVI trust (for whateverreason) requires the intervention of the Court. 相似文献