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131.
Fuat Oğuz 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2010,30(1):41-58
A fundamental question facing the regulatory and competition authorities is whether to delegate competition policy issues
of utilities to regulatory agencies or competition authorities. While, some countries prefer ‘light handed regulation’ by
competition authorities, others grant substantial power to independent regulatory agencies. Turkey followed the liberalization
wave in electricity with a regulatory reform in 2001. Recently, a slight shift of tide has appeared in previously liberalized
markets. Electricity markets are the forefront example of this change of course. A similar trend is apparent in Turkey as
well. Increasing pressures on prices and excess demand have created more reasons for active government involvement. As political
factors weigh in, economic considerations take a secondary place in electricity markets. In order to show the tension between
political and economic preferences, we use the Pareto and Kaldor-Hicks criteria of welfare economics metaphorically. This
paper discusses the scope of competition policy in the Turkish electricity industry. We focus on the issue of regulatory governance.
The absence of a well established institutional environment reduces the potential role of competition policy in the industry
and increase political meddling in all segments of the Turkish electricity market. By looking into changes in prices, market
power and new entry closely, we discuss the relative success of the regulatory reform in the electricity industry. We conclude
by emphasizing the consequences of a passive competition authority in establishing a competitive electricity market. 相似文献
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Jéan Steyn 《Police Practice and Research》2017,18(3):259-274
AbstractThe paper seeks to determine whether indicators evincing attitudes of police culture themes of solidarity, isolation and cynicism amongst SAPS officials are gender neutral as well as change in relation to Van Maanen’s and Manning’s stages of police culture socialisation. Using a survey format, the researcher employed a longitudinal design. The study established that SAPS cadets that commenced their basic training at the six SAPS basic training institutes in January 2005, entered the organisation with predispositions in furtherance of solidarity, isolation and cynicism. The period of ‘college/academy training’ (January to June 2005) did not significantly counteract these tendencies, neither the subsequent ‘field training’ (July to December 2005). Nine years on, and these attitudes intensified. The study further found that for the duration of the project (10 years), female trainees and their conversion to fully-fledged police officials had mostly stronger values exhibiting solidarity, isolation and cynicism, compared to their male counterparts. 相似文献
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改革进程中的利益分化与整合 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中国现代化的复杂性就在于国家要同时面对原发现代化国家所不曾遭遇到的多个时代交织在一起的问题和矛盾。既有农业社会所要解决的问题,又有工业文明所要面对的矛盾,同时又要应对信息文明时代的挑战。面对转型与发展所带来的多重矛盾和交叉压力,全面贯彻“三个代表”重要思想,在利益整合中维护社会公正,在效率和公正的平衡中继续推进改革和发展,是中国共产党领导中国人民为实现中华民族伟大复兴而作出的必然选择。 相似文献
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Fatih Çağatay Cengiz 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2020,47(4):507-525
ABSTRACT Literature on Turkey’s post-2011 authoritarian turn – especially after the eruption of the 2013 nationwide Gezi Protests – adopts modern concepts such as ‘dictatorship’, ‘authoritarianism’, ‘totalitarianism’, ‘one-party government’, ‘party-state fusion’, and even ‘fascism’ mainly in order to pin down the nature of the Justice and Development Party (AKP, Turkish acronym) or depict the current character of Turkey’s regime. Through engaging the pre-modern concept of neopatrimonialism, which is derived from Max Weber’s concept of patrimonialism, this paper argues that Turkey’s encounter with authoritarianism is deeply associated with the proliferation of neopatrimonial domination, into which the legacy of patronage politics, fracture of security power, and the metastasis of crony capitalism have been conflated. This article argues that neopatrimonial features have always, to a degree, marked state-society relations in Turkey. Furthermore, this article suggests neopatrimonial characteristics started to dominate Turkey’s modern legal structure under the AKP, which led to a state crisis culminating in the 2016 attempted coup. However, despite the fact that neopatrimonialism cannot be argued as a pathological deviation from modern-legal domination, this paper concludes that tension exists between the crony capitalism-based economic model of neopatrimonalism and Turkey’s decades-long market-based capitalism. 相似文献
140.
Doğu Durgun 《Citizenship Studies》2019,23(2):139-155
Turkey and Israel project two distinct military regimes which construct gender and sexuality in specific ways as part of their respective security agendas. Despite the differences, however, both entitle women and LGBTQs to certain exemptions from the military service, and in doing so silence their antimilitarist activism. Women and LGBTQs counter this process through their acts of conscientious objection, through which they claim a voice in matters of militarism, security and war. While doing so, however, they reproduce a dichotomous conceptualisation of silence and voice, which falls short of explaining their agency as well as its outcomes. Drawing on a comparative analysis, I argue that a more nuanced understanding of agency necessitates deconstructing the dichotomy between silence and voice, each of which may have multiple meanings, connotations and consequences. Whereas silent acts of grey objection do not always point to a lack of agency and resistance, or domination, and may indeed create change; voice and visibility that follow their declared acts of objection may entail costs and loss of agency, in that not only does it come at the expense of the masculinisation/militarisation of their acts but may also result in the immediate deterioration of their rights to refuse. 相似文献