Intellectuals, Political Culture and the Roots of the Authoritarian Presidency in Latin America

Curiously, few studies of the Latin American chief executive lend shape to the corpus of scholarly journals. What does exist concerning the presidency in Latin America consists largely of chapters in country studies covering formal-legal aspects of presidential power. Missing are examinations of the philosophical, intellectual, cultural and historical bases of presidential power. The paucity of research concerning the executive as it relates to the intellectual history and cultural milieu of Latin America is more confounding when it is readily apparent that Latin American pensadores have thought and written extensively about the presidency. Intellectual elites have played a major role as the vanguard of political and social movements in Latin America. This survey explicates and analyzes the intellectual and cultural roots of presidential power in Latin America in order to understand the institution's authoritarian propensities.     

YOUTH CRIME IN POSTINDUSTRIAL SOCIETIES An Integrated Perspective

Taking a few well-known facts about youth crime, the authors propose a more comprehensive theoretical framework, synthesizing other theories and attempting to describe the link between macro- and microdeviance analysis. Employing Durkheim's concepts of social integration, it is proposed that integration be viewed through patterns of role relationships. When adolescents have meaningful kin, community, educational, and work role relationships, they become socialized to the dominant norms. Conditions in the structural level of society affect the nature and quality of these relationships. Youth crime is specifically related to the salience of the peer relationships and the structural conditions imposed by the society on youth.     

Working-class authoritarianism: a re-examination of the Lipset thesis

Abstract. Almost thirty years ago Lipset published his well-known article 'Democracy and working-class authoritarianism'. His central thesis is that the working class more than other social classes, is predisposed to authoritarian and anti-democratic attitudes. Several authors have criticized this thesis, especially by questioning Lipset's concept of democracy. Our approach is somewhat different in that in our opinion Lipset's conceptualization and measurement of social class is inaccurate and inappropriate. Using an empirical class model elaborated by Eric Olin Wright, our findings do not show that the working class is more authoritarian than other social classes. Education and not social class seems to be the most important factor. It is concluded that the measurement of social class is crucial to whether the theory of working-class authoritarianism is empirically supported or not. Some theoretical consequences are briefly discussed.     

OFFICER-MEMBER RELATIONS IN COUNTY-LEVEL POLICY-MAKING FOR RURAL AREAS: THE CASE OF THE GLQUCESTERSHIRE STRUCTURE PLAN

Studies of rural planning have only recently begun to focus on concepts of policy-making and implementation which have been developed in urban and regional contexts. Although recognizing the need for inter-organizational frameworks, this paper investigates one particular factor in policy-making – officer-member relations – as illustrated in the structure plan-making process of Gloucestershire County Council. Through a partnership between senior officers who were able to orchestrate decision-making, and elite members who provided political support for technical policy justifications, a form of directed policy consensus was reached. The consensus in this particular structure plan was marked by the prominence of a political-bureaucratic goal to provide policy-responses to rural problems. This theme was diluted, however, when the plan moved from the local to the central arena of power.