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91.
ELIN HAUGSGJERD ALLERN VIBEKE WØIEN HANSEN DAVID MARSHALL ANNE RASMUSSEN PAUL D. WEBB 《European Journal of Political Research》2021,60(2):275-294
Political parties and interest groups play a vital role in incorporating societal interests into democratic decision-making. Therefore, explaining the nature and variation in the relationship between them will advance our understanding of democratic governance. Existing research has primarily drawn attention to how exchange of resources shapes these relationships largely neglecting the role of contextual conditions. Our contribution is to examine whether parties’ structured interactions with different categories of interest groups vary systematically with the pattern of party competition at the level of policy dimensions. First, we argue that higher party fragmentation in a policy space makes organisational ties to interest groups more likely, due to fears of voter loss and splinter groups. Second, we expect higher polarisation between parties on a policy dimension to make ties to relevant groups less likely due to increased electoral costs. We find support for both expectations when analysing new data on 116 party units in 13 mature democracies along nine different policy dimensions. Our findings underline the value of considering the strategic context in which parties and interest groups interact to understand their relationship. The study sheds new light on parties and interest groups as intermediaries in democracy and contributes to a new research agenda connecting interest group research with studies of parties’ policy positions and responsiveness. 相似文献
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PAUL R. WILDING 《Public administration》1967,45(2):149-168
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PAUL CAIRNEY 《European Journal of Political Research》2006,45(2):181-208
Abstract. The Scottish Parliament was set up in the hope that strong committees would foster consensus, with an emphasis on reducing partisanship and adopting a pragmatic approach to the detailed study of draft legislation. However, few empirical studies exist that assess the value of the committee process. This flaw is common within the West European literature. The comparative literature on legislative influence is lacking in detailed empirical studies (in part because of the dominant assumption within the literature that parliaments are peripheral to the policy process). Most studies provide impressionistic discussions of the capacities of committees and the constraints to their effectiveness. They do not follow this through with an analysis of committee 'outputs'. This study of the amendments process in the Scottish Parliament addresses the gap. It uses data from a four-year study of legislative amendments to develop indicators of parliamentary outputs. While the results confirm that the committee system operates at the heart of the 'new politics' in Scotland, further such individual country studies are necessary to supplement much broader comparative analyses. 相似文献
98.
PAUL CARMICHAEL 《Public administration》1996,74(3):413-433
This article investigates the UK's changing territorial operating code. The core theme discussed is that recent trends are captured by the Dual Polity thesis but that the model is undesirable as a medium for territorial management. The contention is that, whilst the conditions which sustained the old Dual Polity of 1920-70 as a credible territorial operating code had disappeared by 1979, the subsequent command code of the Thatcher era failed to subdue the Periphery or deliver stability and acquiesence in territorial management which the Centre craved. In response, the consequent upheavals of the 1980s encourage the Centre to fashion a new territorial code, approximating to the old Dual Polity. However, unlike its 1930 forbear, this recreated Dual Polity involves a sharply attenuated role for local government, leaving a system of sub-central governance heavily populated with quangos and joint boards comparable to a new magistracy and demonstrating the worst aspects of Britain's own emerging democratic deficit. The article employs evidence from Northern Ireland as a model of the new Dual Polity in extremis , arguing that fresh thinking is required in policy-making. The Centre has been willing to countenance innovative new structures for the management of its most intractable territorial problem (Northern Ireland). The article concludes that a similarly novel approach is required for the UK, based on a recognition of the inapplicability of outmoded forms of territorial management, the inescapable consequences of the UK's membership of the European Union, a reassessment of the role of each tier of government, and one which embraces the concept of subsidiarity. 相似文献
99.
PAUL HIRSCHFIELD TINA MASCHI HELENE RASKIN WHITE LEAH GOLDMAN TRAUB ROLF LOEBER 《犯罪学》2006,44(3):593-630
Juveniles in secure confinement allegedly suffer from more mental health problems than their peers. This may reflect background and behavioral characteristics commonly found in clients of both mental health and juvenile justice systems. Another explanation is that mental disorders increase the risk of arrest. These interpretations were tested on a sample of Pittsburgh boys (n = 736). Findings indicate that arrested youth exhibit more attention deficit hyperactivity (ADH) problems, oppositional defiant (OD) problems, and nondelinquent externalizing symptoms prior to their first arrests compared to their never‐arrested peers. However, arrested and nonarrested youth score similarly on prior affective and anxiety problems and internalizing symptoms. Net of delinquency, substance use, and other selection factors, internalizing problems lower the risk of subsequent arrest, whereas OD problems and nondelinquent externalizing symptoms increase it. ADH problems have no effect on arrest net of delinquency and substance use. These findings lend only partial support to the criminalization hypothesis. Whereas some mental health symptoms increase the risk of arrest, others elicit more cautious or compassionate official responses. 相似文献
100.
This study, which is based on individual criminal careers over a 60‐year period, focuses on the development of criminal behavior. It first examines the impact that life circumstances such as work and marriage have on offending, then tests whether the effects of these circumstances are different for different groups of offenders, and finally examines the extent to which the age‐crime relationship at the aggregate level can be explained by age‐graded differences in life circumstances. Official data were retrieved for a 4‐percent (N=4,615) sample of all individuals whose criminal case was tried in the Netherlands in 1977. Self‐report data were derived from a nationally representative survey administered in the Netherlands in 1996 to 2,244 individuals aged 15 years or older. In analyzing this data, we use semi‐parametric group‐based models. Results indicate that life circumstances substantially influence the chances of criminal behavior, and that the effects of these circumstances on offending differ across offender groups. Age‐graded changes in life circumstances, however, explain the aggregate age‐crime relationship only to a modest extent. 相似文献