全文获取类型
收费全文 | 340篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 36篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 7篇 |
法律 | 88篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 173篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2013年 | 15篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 14篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 14篇 |
1996年 | 12篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1969年 | 5篇 |
1967年 | 4篇 |
1957年 | 3篇 |
1955年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有347条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
251.
252.
253.
PETER MUNCE 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(1):60-68
This article considers David Cameron's proposal to repeal the Human Rights Act (HRA) and replace it with a British Bill of Rights. Cameron's proposal has been heavily criticised by a range of political, academic and non‐state actors and was described by a current senior Coalition Cabinet member as ‘xenophobic’ and ‘legal nonsense’. This article takes a slightly different direction to those lines of attack and critique that have been developed of the Conservative's proposals. The central proposition of the article is that Cameron's proposal is profoundly un‐Conservative at two levels. Firstly, at the level of Conservative approaches to constitutional reform and secondly, at the level of Conservative political philosophy. 相似文献
254.
PETER SHIRLOW 《The Political quarterly》2012,83(2):238-246
A central failing of analysis of the peace process has been to account for, explain and determine the extent of loyalist‐led conflict transformation. My argument is that, despite evident wrong‐doing, there has been a failure to appreciate the prosperity of loyalist thinking and action in the period after the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994. Loyalism has appeared less relevant than it is to peacemaking due to its criminalisation, its refusal to accept positive morphology and a failure to self‐promote. An appreciation of the positive nature of loyalist transition offers much to those who seek to comprehend the future of Northern Ireland. 相似文献
255.
256.
PETER AUCOIN 《管理》2012,25(2):177-199
This article examines the phenomenon of increased political pressures on governments in four Westminster systems (Australia, Britain, Canada, and New Zealand) derived from changes in mass media and communications, increased transparency, expanded audit, increased competition in the political marketplace, and political polarization in the electorate. These pressures raise the risk to impartial public administration and management performance to the extent that governments integrate governance and campaigning, allow political staff to be a separate force in governance, politicize top public service posts, and expect public servants to be promiscuously partisan. The article concludes that New Zealand is best positioned to cope with these risks, in part because of its process for independently staffing its top public service posts. The article recommends this approach as well as the establishment of independently appointed management boards for public service departments and agencies to perform the governance of management function. 相似文献
257.
HANS‐PETER SCHAUB 《Swiss Political Science Review》2012,18(3):305-331
Abstract: According to a widespread but empirically hitherto untested perception, assembly democracy is the ideal‐typical form for direct democracy. This paper examines whether this perception coincides with empirical evidence by systematically comparing the actual extent of citizens’ direct‐democratic involvement in assembly democracies and in ballot‐box democracies. A longitudinal and cross‐sectional analysis of new data on the Swiss cantons reveals strikingly clear patterns: cantons with popular assemblies provide citizens with more and more easily accessible direct‐democratic rights, and they hold popular votes more frequently. On the other hand, cantons with ballot‐box voting are more successful in involving the citizens in direct‐democratic decision‐making with respect to turnout rates. 相似文献
258.
Even before the 2005 election, the Liberal Democrats' Federal Policy Committee had agreed on the need for a review of party policy, in response both to domestic and international political developments since 2001. Intended to build upon the 2002 policy document 'It's About Freedom', 2005 heralded the launch of a Meeting the Challenge policy review, which provided an unprecedented opportunity for party members at all levels to contribute towards the refinement of Liberal Democrat policies and develop a clearer political narrative. This would enable the party to articulate its principles and goals more effectively in the run-up to the next general election. Through a variety of intra-party channels, conduits and forums, hundreds of responses from party members, and local and regional Liberal Democrat parties, offered analyses and policy suggestions. On various issues, these revealed ongoing debates between the party's ( Orange Book ) 'liberals' and 'social democrats'. The outcome of this intra-party consultation exercise was the 2006 policy document 'Trust in People', which was emphatically endorsed at the party's annual conference. This will now provide the framework for further policy development and clarification during the next two years. 相似文献
259.
PETER HENNESSY 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(3):344-352
Peter Hennessy examines the conduct of central government since 1997, especially Cabinet processes during the build-up to the Iraq war of 2003. He discusses the degree to which both Blair and Brown over the past months have appeared to run against aspects of the governing style of the administrations they have jointly dominated. He assesses what Gordon Brown's floated idea of a written constitution might mean in practical terms and makes a particular case for a War Powers Act. 相似文献
260.