首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   413篇
  免费   8篇
各国政治   45篇
工人农民   2篇
世界政治   51篇
外交国际关系   7篇
法律   108篇
中国政治   7篇
政治理论   201篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   6篇
  2019年   5篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   4篇
  2013年   21篇
  2012年   14篇
  2011年   8篇
  2010年   14篇
  2009年   13篇
  2008年   7篇
  2007年   17篇
  2006年   18篇
  2005年   19篇
  2004年   6篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   4篇
  2000年   7篇
  1999年   8篇
  1998年   7篇
  1997年   14篇
  1996年   13篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   11篇
  1992年   6篇
  1991年   10篇
  1990年   13篇
  1989年   12篇
  1988年   6篇
  1987年   13篇
  1986年   6篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   4篇
  1983年   5篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   4篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   3篇
  1976年   4篇
  1975年   4篇
  1974年   3篇
  1973年   3篇
  1971年   3篇
  1970年   4篇
  1969年   6篇
  1968年   3篇
  1967年   5篇
  1964年   3篇
排序方式: 共有421条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
31.
Abstract. Justice as a manifestation of “the just” is an evasive concept. On the one hand there is the law, an operation run by professionals. On the other hand there are the citizens the law is meant for. Generally speaking the law strives for justice. But the law has to protect many different interests and must work through legal devices. Therefore the justice that emerges from it is necessarily a legal compromise. For the citizens the legal rules are a given reality. Generally they will agree that the law is there to achieve justice but legal arguments that justify a rule or decision cannot have the same value for them. In cases that affect them personally, justice will be a personal, existential experience, which may be incompatible with legal justice. It is hard to keep these two forms of justice under one roof. In order to make this easier this paper proposes a conceptual split between “law‐linked justice” and “existence‐linked justice.” It is argued that the law cannot in truth to its rational origin ignore the citizens’ experience of justice, out of the ordinary as they may be.  相似文献   
32.
Conventional wisdom suggests that individual members of Congress have no real incentive to act in ways that might improve public evaluations of their collective body. In particular, the literature provides no clear evidence that public evaluations of Congress affect individual races for Congress, and little reason to expect that voters would hold specific individuals responsible for the institution's performance. We suggest that this conventional wisdom is incorrect. Using multiple state‐level exit polls of Senate voting conducted by Voter News Service in 1996 and 1998, we arrive at two key findings. First, we find that evaluations of Congress do have a significant effect on voting within individual U.S. Senate races across a wide variety of electoral contexts. Second, we find that punishments or rewards for congressional performance are not distributed equally across all members, or even across members of a particular party. Instead, we find that the degree to which citizens hold a senator accountable for congressional performance is significantly influenced by that senator's actual level of support for the majority party in Congress, as demonstrated on party votes.  相似文献   
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
A new migration pessimism argues that the economic benefits of international labour migration for migrant households may not justify the social costs. This article provides a test of this argument based on the author's survey of 304 households in Jerez municipio (municipality), Zacatecas, Mexico, in 2009. The results indicate that active households (those with at least one migrant abroad) perceived their economic situation to have improved more, but both their social cohesion and their happiness to be less than those of non‐active households. Social cohesion (family unity and maintenance of values) is shown to be pivotal in the happiness differential enjoyed by the non‐active households.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号