全文获取类型
收费全文 | 350篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 33篇 |
工人农民 | 16篇 |
世界政治 | 43篇 |
外交国际关系 | 27篇 |
法律 | 138篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 94篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 2篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 13篇 |
2016年 | 6篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 48篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 10篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 8篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 9篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 10篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 11篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 4篇 |
1987年 | 7篇 |
1986年 | 9篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有359条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
351.
352.
353.
Misgovernance in India ranks among its toughest problems to solve. Despite decades of seemingly progressive legislation, there is a simmering dissatisfaction even among those for whose benefits the legislation is designed. The electoral debacle of the UPA government in the parliamentary election of 2014 can be partly attributed to the disenchantment that a vast majority of people felt toward the governance issues. We argue that dynastic politics is the hallmark of many political parties in India and it prevents the emergence of meritorious leadership. Just as we need the process of creative destruction in the economic arena for sustained growth, we need a similar process in the political arena so that local leaders are chosen on the basis of their performance. The success of the new government at the center will depend on whether they succeed in jettisoning centralized decision making and moving the political process in this direction. 相似文献
354.
William Roy Matchett 《Democracy and Security》2015,11(1):1-43
The Northern Ireland model is best defined as the framing of the political endgame of Northern Ireland’s conflict culminating in the 1998 Belfast Agreement, otherwise known as the Good Friday Agreement. The Northern Ireland model is popularly portrayed as a negotiated settlement. It focuses primarily on the bargain reached by Northern Irish political parties, assisted by British and Irish governments and mediated by US senator George Mitchell. Academics and officials alike use it to explain how the “Troubles” ended and peace was achieved. Conspicuously absent from this model is security. It also grossly understates the difficulty in dealing with a modern insurgency (the Provisionals) and leans too heavily toward skewed post-conflict thinking that views insurgents as “peacemakers” prevented from making peace because of a manifestly poor security response, particularly that of the police force and its intelligence agency (Special Branch). The perspective of politicians and diplomats who brokered the peace settlement prioritizes political negotiations at the expense of the security response; in so doing, the role of security is undermined and overlooked. Most contemporary academic works promote this outlook. Excluding security, however, thwarts a comprehensive analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and renders any examination partial and unrepresentative. There is therefore a significant intellectual gap in our understanding of how peace was achieved, which this article redresses. Ultimately, it questions the Northern Ireland model’s capacity to assist in other relevant conflict contexts in any practical sense by arguing that a strategy where security pushed as politics pulled brought about peace. In other words, security played a crucial part because it forced the main protagonists into a situation out of which the Belfast Agreement emerged. 相似文献
355.
Migration has been a major source of human survival, adaptation, and economic change over centuries across regions. Today, more than ever, migration forms a central part of the global flow of humans, practices, and ideas. However, from a social point of view, migration is often considered as a potential source of social disorder and crime. Several explanations have been provided on this aspect in Indian context but none of these provide a sound analysis of the linkage between migration and crime. This paper attempts to investigate empirically the association between interstate migration and crime in India. Our analysis does not show any significant association between interstate migration and crime. Therefore, this study discards the controversial thought that migration is responsible for increasing crime in the nation, and suggests adopting constructive means to control crime rather than staring at migration. 相似文献
356.
357.
Abstract Facial composite images are often used in the criminal investigation process to facilitate the search for and identification of someone who has committed a crime. Since the use of facial composite images is sometimes relied upon as an integral part of an investigation, it is important to ascertain information about the various decisions made and procedures implemented by law enforcement regarding the use of composites. A 39-item survey was developed to examine the prevalence of a number of procedures related to composite production, including the systems implemented, criteria for selecting systems, law enforcement training, satisfaction with systems, legal challenges, and procedural issues with respect to interviewing multiple witnesses and the distribution of composite images. Surveys were distributed to 1637 city, state and county law enforcement agencies nationwide; 163 completed surveys were returned. This paper summarizes our survey results and discusses the implications for investigative procedures, law enforcement training, and future research needs. 相似文献
358.
Tayfur Smeyra N. Prior Susan Roy Anusua Singh Maciver Donald Forsyth Kirsty Fitzpatrick Linda Irvine 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(7):1397-1408
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Transition to adulthood can be a challenging developmental task for adolescents with common mental health problems and is linked to adverse outcomes such as... 相似文献
359.
Willem De Koster Peter Achterberg Jeroen Van der Waal Samira Van Bohemen Roy Kemmers 《West European politics》2014,37(3):584-604
Whereas electoral support for new-rightist parties is often understood as driven by ethnocentric anti-immigrant sentiments, scholars have noted that new-rightist politicians have, surprisingly, stressed culturally progressive arguments in the last decade. Using recent Dutch survey data (N = 1,302) especially collected for this purpose, the article analyses the electoral relevance of three types of cultural progressiveness for voting for the new right and their relation to the well-documented anti-immigrant agenda. The analysis shows that neither moral progressiveness nor aversion to public interference of religious orthodoxy underlies the new-rightist vote. Support for freedom of speech proves relevant, but, in accordance with literature on the new right’s electoral strategy and with theorising on framing, this only leads towards the new right among those who are ethnocentric. These findings are discussed in the light of electoral competition, and questions for further research are formulated. 相似文献