T. Tamman (2011). The Last Ambassador: August Torma,Soldier, Diplomat,Spy

ABSTRACT

This article recounts the author’s experience as a junior diplomat in the British Diplomatic Service in the late 1960s handling the file of Rudolf Hess, Hitler’s ex-deputy serving a life sentence in Spandau prison in Berlin. As the only Nazi leader still imprisoned there after the release in 1966 of Albert Speer and Baldur von Schirach, his fate as 'the lone prisoner of Spandau’had become an international issue. Sentenced at the Nuremberg trial of 1946, his fate was a matter for the four powers still occupying Berlin. Moscow was determined that as the last remaining symbol of the Hitler regime Hess should die there. In the West, however, and especially in Britain, there was a press campaign for his release that put pressure on the Foreign Office by way of letters from the public and parliamentary questions. As a desk officer for Germany, it fell to me to handle this by writing or drafting replies to the effect that as Hess was a prisoner of all four powers the decision required consent, that Moscow was adamantly opposed, and that Britain could not act unilaterally. But the real target of the press campaign, spearheaded by the Beaverbrook press through the Daily and Sunday Express, was Harold Wilson’s Labour Government. Anything that could demonstrate his alleged ‘appeasement’ of Moscow was grist to its mill. The now weeded file in the National Archives gives little hint of this politically-motivated agenda.     

Reforming organisation culture for quality: some psycho-social dimensions

The essential argument advanced in this paper is that to effectively reform organisation culture one needs to understand its interactive nature. The psychodynamics involved are highlighted through a discussion of a recent study and it is argued that these psychodynamics within the organisation produce a psychological fingerprint of the culture. The implications of transforming culture in this context are then explored.     

Complexity and Counterterrorism: Thinking about Biometrics

Biometrics, which relies on physical characteristics to identify individuals, enjoys growing support as a counterterrorist tool. However, there is little evidence in this regard. On the contrary, one danger is that biometric systems, such as national identification cards, would create a new target for terrorists to strike, paralyzing critical infrastructure. Given these limitations, why are countries moving toward this questionable form of security? Advocates of biometrics have been able to make powerful claims that play to public perceptions of risk in general, and the threat of terrorism in particular. This article suggests decentralized methods of identification and verification.     

External sources of clean technology: Evidence from the Clean Development Mechanism

New technology is fundamental to sustainable development. However, inventors from industrialized countries often refuse technology transfer because they worry about reverse-engineering. When can clean technology transfer succeed? We develop a formal model of the political economy of North–South technology transfer. According to the model, technology transfer is possible if (1) the technology in focus has limited global commercial potential or (2) the host developing country does not have the capacity to absorb new technologies for commercial use. If both conditions fail, inventors from industrialized countries worry about the adverse competitiveness effects of reverse-engineering, so technology transfer fails. Data analysis of technology transfer in 4,894 projects implemented under the Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism during the 2004–2010 period provides evidence in support of the model.     

Danger to public health: Medical devices,toxicity, virus and fraud

The recent scandals involving the sale and manufacture of defective medical devices such as the PIP breast implants and the De Puy Implants have resulted in the long-awaited modernisation of the Medical Device Directive. Taking cognizance of the increasing integration of medical devices and technology, as well as the importance of electronic information, the proposed EU Regulation on Medical Devices promises greater European control on Notifying Bodies and more transparency to ensure patient's safety. This paper discusses the current directives and proposed legislation as well as the liabilities of manufacturers and software vendors for product failure.     

Did Age Discrimination Protections Help Older Workers Weather the Great Recession?

We examine whether stronger age discrimination laws at the state level moderated the impact of the Great Recession on older workers. We use a difference‐in‐difference‐in‐differences strategy to compare older and younger workers, in states with stronger and weaker laws, before, during, and after the Great Recession. We find very little evidence that stronger age discrimination protections helped older workers weather the Great Recession, relative to younger workers. The evidence sometimes points in the opposite direction, with stronger state age discrimination protections associated with more adverse effects of the Great Recession on older workers. We suggest that during an experience such as the Great Recession, severe labor market disruptions make it difficult to discern discrimination, weakening the effects of stronger state age discrimination protections. Alternatively, higher termination costs associated with stronger age discrimination protections may do more to deter hiring when future product and labor demand is highly uncertain.     

Neither the T Index nor the D2 Score Measure “Two-Partyness”: A Comment on Gaines and Taagepera

This comment critiques the paper by Gaines and Taagepera (2013 Gaines, Brian J. &; Taagepera, Rein (2013) How to operationalize “two partyness”, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties. Digital online version, available at <http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2013.770398> (accessed 23 March 2013). [Google Scholar]) outlining two new measures that compare how far election outcomes diverge from a particular ideal of “perfect two-partyness” (one in which all votes are divided equally between the top two parties). Their first proposed T index is an unstable amalgam of two different measures, one linear and the other not. Applied to analysing sets of election outcomes, it systematically mis-signals “two-partyness” in its accepted meaning, producing perverse results. Their second index, D₂, has a varying minimum size level depending on the size of the largest party (P₁) and the number of observable parties competing. In many circumstances D₂ scores bifurcate – the same scores are produced by both very low and very high P₁ levels. Applied to distributions, the D₂ score artefactually homogenizes very dissimilar distributions, again misreads even two-party configurations, and always overstates “two-partyness” in multi-party systems. I conclude that neither the T nor D₂ indices are fit for purpose. They should not be further used in electoral analysis.