Acute arsenic poisoning: clinical, toxicological, histopathological, and forensic features

This report describes a suicide case by acute arsenic intoxication via intravenous injection. A 30-year-old woman injected arsenic As (V) (sodium arseniate disodique: Disodium Hydrogena Arsenik RP) in a successful suicide attempt. Three hours following administration, the woman developed severe digestive symptoms. She was admitted to a hospital and transferred to the intensive care unit within 12 h of the massive administration of arsenic. Despite therapeutic efforts, over the next 2 h she developed multiorgan failure and died. A postmortem examination was performed. Pulmonary edema and congestion of liver were apparent. As (V) and As (III) were determined by high performance liquid chromatography and inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry after mineralization of samples by concentrated nitric acid. Toxicological analysis revealed high concentrations of arsenic in biological fluids as well as in organs. Histopathological examination showed a typical indication of myocarditis. These findings were in agreement with acute arsenic poisoning. The symptoms developed by this young woman (intoxication by intravenous administration) were comparable to oral intoxication. The clinical signs, survival time, and administration type are discussed in light of the literature on acute and chronic arsenic poisoning.     

The Right to Buy,the Leaseholder,and the Impoverishment of Ownership

Right to Buy is one of the most successful schemes devised to extend home ownership to those otherwise excluded. Its introduction by Margaret Thatcher and endorsement by New Labour provide a critical indicator of those governments' neo‐liberal credentials. This article suggests that one of the key achievements of the Right to Buy was to obscure inequalities inherent in a project of democratization via property ownership. It examines New Labour's political reform of local authority landlordism and leaseholder rights and exposes the vulnerability of Right to Buy lessees and their successors in title. It argues that the promise of inclusion via home ownership is a more conditional promise than generally recognized, in some cases impoverishing rather than enriching. It concludes by reflecting on the importance of scrutinizing schemes which purport to democratize ownership, observing that the position of Right to Buy leaseholders is unlikely to improve following the abandonment of social reform projects by the coalition government.     

Semen analysis using methods of molecular genetics--a case report

The presented case report describes the exclusion of the suspect of a sexual offence by means of methods of molecular genetics. Pretests for prostate-specific antigen performed at the beginning of the investigation and cytological sperm tests were negative. Nevertheless, by combining the methods of differential lysis and DNA quantification a small number of spermatozoa could be demonstrated in the trace evidence. Subsequently, the profile of the woman's boyfriend, with whom she had had unprotected vaginal intercourse two days before the incident, could be detected in the fraction of the hard lysis.     

Variability of simulants used in recreating stab events

Formic acid (FA) concentration was measured in post-mortem blood and urine samples as methyl formate using a headspace in-tube extraction gas-chromatography-mass-spectrometry method. A total of 113 cases were analyzed, each including a blood and urine sample fortified with 1% sodium fluoride. The cases were divided into three groups: regular (n=59), putrefied (n=30), and methanol-positive (n=22) cases. There was no evidence of ante-mortem methanol consumption in the regular and putrefied cases. In regular cases, the mean (and median) FA concentrations were 0.04 g/l (0.04 g/l) and 0.06 g/l (0.04 g/l) in blood and urine, respectively. In putrefied cases, the mean (and median) FA concentrations were substantially higher, 0.24 g/l (0.22 g/l) and 0.25 g/l (0.15 g/l) in blood and urine, respectively. In three putrefied cases, FA concentration in blood exceeded 0.5 g/l, a level associated with fatal methanol poisoning. Ten putrefied cases were reanalyzed after 3-4 months storage, and no significant changes in FA concentrations were seen. These observations suggest that FA was formed by putrefaction during the post-mortem period, not during sample storage when sodium fluoride was added as a preservative. In methanol-positive cases, the mean (and median) FA concentrations were 0.80 g/l (0.88 g/l) and 3.4 g/l (3.3 g/l) in blood and urine, respectively, and the concentrations ranged from 0.19 to 1.0 g/l in blood and from 1.7 to 5.6 g/l in urine. The mean (and median) methanol concentrations in methanol-positive cases were 3.0 g/l (3.0 g/l) and 4.4 g/l (4.7 g/l) in blood and in urine, respectively. The highest methanol concentrations were 6.0 g/l and 8.7 g/l in blood and urine, respectively. No ethyl alcohol was found in the methanol-positive blood samples. Poor correlation was shown between blood and urine concentrations of FA. Poor correlations were also shown, in both blood and urine, between methanol and FA concentrations.     

Variability in Citizens’ Reactions to Different Types of Negative Campaigns

Do negative advertisements lower voters’ evaluations of the targeted candidate? We theorize that there is much to be gained by examining the variance in the content and tone of negative campaign messages and the variance in voters’ sensitivity to negative political rhetoric. We employ data from the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study to investigate the impact of negative campaigning in U.S. Senate campaigns. We sampled 1,045 respondents in 21 of the 28 U.S. Senate races featuring a majority party incumbent and challenger. In addition to the survey data, we collected contextual data regarding the political advertisements aired during the campaigns and the news coverage of these campaigns in state newspapers. The evidence suggests that the impact of negative information is multifaceted, and under some circumstances, substantial. We find that uncivil and relevant negative messages are the most powerful, especially for people with less tolerance for negative political rhetoric.     

The Gapology of the Obama Vote in the 2008 Democratic Presidential Primaries

In their competition for the 2008 Democratic nomination, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton developed distinct demographic bases of support. This study will analyze the demographic divides in the 2008 Democratic presidential primaries, focusing on the “gaps” that emerged in the support of Obama. Obama’s demographic bases of support were African-Americans, younger voters, educated voted, those with no religion affiliation, wealthier voters, males, political independents, and ideological liberals. Despite the considerable amount of attention given to the gender gap, a number of demographic gaps were more significant. Race was by far the most important gap and a key component of Obama’s victory was his tremendous support from African-American voters.     

Labor union membership and voting across nations

Despite a large literature on voter turnout around the world, our understanding of the role of labor union membership remains muddled. In this paper, we examine the relationship between union membership and voting. Using individual level International Social Science Program (ISSP) data from thirty-two countries, we find that union members are more likely to vote and that the substantive effect rivals that of other common predictors of voting. This relationship is also largely invariant across an array of demographic factors, indicating that unions tend to be “equal opportunity mobilizers.” We also find that unions have “spillover” effects: controlling for a variety of other factors, even non-union members are more likely to turn out to vote in countries with higher union densities. In sum, we find that labor unions have a consistent political influence across a wide set of countries.