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The relationship between subjective invulnerability and optimism bias in risk appraisal, and their comparative association
with indices of risk activity, substance use and college adjustment problems was assessed in a sample of 350 (M
age = 20.17; 73% female; 93% White/European American) emerging adults. Subjective invulnerability was measured with the newly
devised adolescent invulnerability scale (AIS). Optimism bias in decision-making was assessed with a standard comparative-conditional
risk appraisal task. Results showed that the danger- and psychological invulnerability subscales of the AIS demonstrated strong
internal consistency and evidence of predictive validity. Subjective invulnerability and optimism bias were also shown to
be empirically distinct constructs with differential ability to predict risk and adjustment. Danger invulnerability and psychological
invulnerability were more pervasively associated with risk behavior than was optimism bias; and psychological invulnerability
counter-indicated depression, self-esteem and interpersonal problems. Results support recent claims regarding the “two faces”
of adolescent invulnerability. Implications for future research are drawn. 相似文献
93.
Patrick J. Haney 《管理》2012,25(4):716-718
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This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community. 相似文献
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This paper examines the instrumental networks established between organized criminals and national politicians. Its major
focus centers on the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the Department of Labor, and the Reagan Administration. We explore
the organized crime influence that affected President Reagan's selection of Raymond Donovan as Secretary of Labor. The choice
of Donovan resulted in several related investigations into Donovan's association with organized criminals primarily in the
construction industry in New Jersey and New York. We explain and critique the investigations thereby establishing the instrumental
quality of the networks and the politics of law enforcement.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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