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191.
李勒 《山东行政学院学报》2005,(4):32-33
互联网的迅速发展给传统的高校德育工作带来了一系列的问题,既是机遇又是挑战。抓住时机,寻找对策:建立德育和思想政治教育网站;培养新型德育教育工作者;加强互联网的规范管理。 相似文献
192.
This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community. 相似文献
193.
This study explores the influence of hierarchical position on both mediation satisfaction and uncertainty about the mediation. As parties involved in hierarchical conflict typically behave differently and have different perceptions and experiences, we think it is most likely that hierarchical position will affect the mediation process and its outcomes. In this article, we investigate the influence of hierarchical position on both uncertainty about the mediation and satisfaction with the mediation and its potential moderating role on the relationship between uncertainty and satisfaction. To test our hypotheses, we use data from fifty real mediation cases dealing with hierarchical labor conflicts in the Netherlands. As expected, uncertainty has a stronger negative effect on subordinates' satisfaction with the mediation than it does on the supervisors who were involved in mediation. Implications for mediation theory and practice are discussed. 相似文献
194.
195.
Patrick Hein 《East Asia》2010,27(3):289-311
It is argued that parliamentary legislation in Japan has become the almost exclusive playing field of the bureaucracy, who
acts on behalf of the executive, and party councils. Moreover bureaucrats bypass the legislative Diet process by making rules
themselves. This is problematic because it is the lawmakers who are directly held accountable by voters for the enacted legislation
risking to be eventually voted out of office. It is suggested that under the given circumstances of strict party discipline,
drafting of bills by the bureaucracy and endorsement by party councils, the formal majority rule alone is not sufficient to
justify legislative outcomes. The legitimacy factor is introduced to verify in how far individual lawmakers are enabled to
initiate and draft floor bills by themselves, discuss bill contents in plenary deliberations and get the public opinion involved.
The article attempts to demonstrate that bipartisan floor bills reflect the quest for parliamentary legitimacy and equality
among lawmakers across party boundaries. It is suggested that the more legislators participate in drafting and discussing
a bill the more legitimate the outcome becomes. The paper screens to this effect several bipartisan bills submitted to the
Diet of Japan. Bills such as the NPO law, the law to ratify the Rome Statute for the accession to the ICC, the law to prevent
suicide and the law to implement internet filters to protect children are the result of cooperation among lawmakers trying
to constrain the interference of the executive or of the powerful bureaucracy. The participation of non-parliamentary agents
taking an active part in the legislative process has enhanced the dynamics of representative democracy as well. In the decades
of radical ideological confrontation in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s the majority rule risked to become an instrument of coercion.
The opposition was compelled to resort to anti-parliamentary obstructionist tactics to derail majority legislation that was
rammed through parliament without sufficient plenary deliberation and without taking into account the concerns or viewpoints
of the minority. Obstructionism decreased with the LDP co-optation of opposition parties to government responsibility in the
1990s. Opposition for the sake of opposition (communists, DPJ until 2006) and governing for the sake of governing (SDPJ, Komei)
have not been honored by the voters. After 2007 the DPJ started to refocus its policies more on ideological differentiation
and managed to beat the LDP in the 2009 elections. Recently the work of the Diet has been increasingly put under the scrutiny
of international NGOs and legislatures abroad. The unresolved controversial comfort women issue suggests that omission to
pass appropriate and timely reconciliatory legislation can cause a serious loss of parliamentary institutional esteem and
respect. 相似文献
196.
East Asia - War reconciliation and cultures of memory themes continue to receive high attention but despite the long list of newly released books praising Germany which has been thought to be more... 相似文献
197.
Dannielle McKenna Hannah Murphy Christopher Rosenbrier Amii Soulsby Alicia Lyall Patrick Keown 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2019,30(2):301-321
There is growing interest in the health correlates of people detained in police custody, and a number of innovations have been introduced to try to meet the complex needs of detainees. The implementation of Criminal Justice Liaison and Diversion (CJL&D) Services commissioned by the Department of Health in England is a substantial part of this investment. In this paper, we describe data from 858 detainees who were referred to the CJL&D service of a busy metropolitan police station in the North East of England. The detainees referred to the service had complex mental health needs, substance misuse and a range of vulnerabilities requiring specific intervention. The effective operation of these teams and how they interface with health and criminal justice systems also depend upon a number of systematic issues that emanate both from within the teams, and from external policy drivers. 相似文献
198.
Recently, a sample containing cyclopropylfentanyl was analyzed at this laboratory. Cyclopropylfentanyl began to appear in the United States' illicit drug markets in 2017. Unfortunately, cyclopropylfentanyl presents an analytical challenge due to its mass spectrum being almost identical to that of crotonylfentanyl. There are two possible isomers of crotonylfentanyl, Z- and E- crotonylfentanyl. In order to provide sufficient analytical data to distinguish the two isomers of crotonylfentanyl and cyclopropylfentanyl, crotonylfentanyl was synthesized and fully characterized. Each isomer was analyzed via nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy, gas chromatography–mass spectrometry, and Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. During the synthesis of crotonylfentanyl, an unknown compound was formed. The identification of this compound and the analytical characterization of the two isomers of crotonylfentanyl are presented. Through the comparison of these compounds, it was confirmed that cyclopropylfentanyl can be differentiated from crotonylfentanyl. 相似文献
199.
Marianne González Le Saux 《Law & social inquiry》2017,42(2):347-376
This article examines the history of the Chilean Legal Aid Service (Servicio de Asistencia Judicial) from the 1920s until the 1960s. It argues that with the emergence of the “social question”—the concern for improving the lower classes' working and living conditions to promote the nation's modernization and prevent political radicalization—the Chilean legal profession committed to legal aid reform to escape a professional identity crisis. Legal aid allowed lawyers to claim they had a new “social function” advocating on behalf of the poor. However, within legal aid offices, lawyers interacted with female social workers who acted as gatekeepers, mediators, and translators between the lawyers and the poor. This gendered professional complementarity in legal aid offices helped lawyers to put limits on their new “social function”: it allowed them to maintain legal aid as a part‐time activity that did not challenge the structure of the legal system as a whole. 相似文献
200.
Patrick M. Seffrin 《Justice Quarterly》2017,34(4):652-673
Sexually active men, who are not in a monogamous relationship, may be at a greater risk for violence than men who are sexually active within monogamous relationships and men who are not sexually active. The current study examines changes in sexual behavior and violence in adolescence to early adulthood. Data on male (n = 4,597) and female (n = 5,523) respondents were drawn from four waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent and Adult Health (Add Health). HLM regression models indicate that men who transition to a monogamous, or less competitive, mode of sexual behavior (fewer partners since last wave), reduce their risk for violence. The same results were not replicated for females. Further, results were not accounted for by marital status or other more readily accepted explanations of violence. Findings suggest that competition for sex be further examined as a potential cause of male violence. 相似文献