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251.
Patrick Dunleavy 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2014,24(3):362-385
This comment critiques the paper by Gaines and Taagepera (2013) outlining two new measures that compare how far election outcomes diverge from a particular ideal of “perfect two-partyness” (one in which all votes are divided equally between the top two parties). Their first proposed T index is an unstable amalgam of two different measures, one linear and the other not. Applied to analysing sets of election outcomes, it systematically mis-signals “two-partyness” in its accepted meaning, producing perverse results. Their second index, D2, has a varying minimum size level depending on the size of the largest party (P1) and the number of observable parties competing. In many circumstances D2 scores bifurcate – the same scores are produced by both very low and very high P1 levels. Applied to distributions, the D2 score artefactually homogenizes very dissimilar distributions, again misreads even two-party configurations, and always overstates “two-partyness” in multi-party systems. I conclude that neither the T nor D2 indices are fit for purpose. They should not be further used in electoral analysis. 相似文献
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Policy Sciences - The governance of several cross-cutting challenges, such as food security, climate change, and sustainable development, calls for integrative policy approaches. However, efforts... 相似文献
254.
Terry-McElrath YM McBride DC Chriqui JF O'Malley PM Vanderwaal CJ Chaloupka FJ Johnston LD 《Crime and delinquency》2009,55(4):600-626
This article examines relationships between local drug policy (as represented by prosecutor-reported case outcomes for first-offender juvenile marijuana possession cases) and youth self-reported marijuana use, perceived risk, and disapproval. Interviews with prosecutors and surveys of 8th-, 10th-, and 12th-grade students in the United States were conducted in 2000. Analyses include data from 97 prosecutors and students from 127 schools in 40 states. Results indicate significant relationships between local drug policy and youth marijuana use and attitudes. In general, more-severe dispositions are associated with less marijuana use, higher disapproval rates, and increased perceptions of great risk. Associations primarily appear to be specific to marijuana-related outcomes. Results are discussed within the framework of both deterrence and broader social norms regarding substance use. 相似文献
255.
Coral Luce M.S. Shawn Montpetit M.S. David Gangitano Ph.D. Patrick O’Donnell Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(5):1046-1054
Abstract: The AmpF?STR® MiniFilerTM PCR Amplification Kit is designed to genotype degraded and/or inhibited DNA samples when the AmpF?STR® IdentifilerTM PCR Amplification Kit is incapable of generating a complete genetic profile. Validation experiments, following the SWGDAM guidelines, were designed to evaluate the performance of MiniFiler. Data obtained demonstrated that MiniFiler, when used in conjunction with Identifiler, provided an increased ability to obtain genetic profiles from challenged samples. The optimum template range was found to be between 0.2 and 0.6 ng, with 0.3 ng yielding the best results. Full concordance was achieved between the MiniFiler kit and Identifiler kit except in a single case of a null allele at locus D21S11. Numerous instances of severe heterozygous peak imbalance (<50%) were observed in single source samples amplified within the optimum range of input DNA suggesting that caution be taken when attempting to deduce component genotypes in a mixture. 相似文献
256.
Patrick Polden 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2009,16(2-3):211-239
This paper explores a Victorian cause célèbre, particularly the latter stages, in which a London solicitor, W.H. Barber, battled first to obtain the renewal of his practising certificate and then to claim compensation from public funds for the sufferings he had endured as a result of his wrongful conviction. Barber's misfortunes arose from his unwitting participation in a series of sensational frauds on the Bank of England, leading to his transportation to the penal colony on Norfolk Island in 1844. Pardoned on the basis of confessions from the wrongdoers, his readmission to the profession was unrelentingly opposed by the Incorporated Law Society, and he only prevailed after a series of rebuffs in the courts.
Barber's tribulations, which had first highlighted the defects of the criminal trial, provide an unusual insight into the under-explored and uncertain state of solicitors' professional ethics at this time and the controversial role of the ILS in enforcing them. They also yield valuable information on solicitors' practices and the effects of a royal pardon. 相似文献
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258.
Patrick A. Langan 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2001,17(3):273-290
In criminological studies of racial disparities the effect of race on outcomes is assessed after statistical controls for other variables. There is no universally accepted measure of size of disparity after controls in the most common type of disparity study: the study of binary outcomes. Some such studies use a measure that lends itself to interpretation in terms of the proportional reduction in error (PRE). Most use a non-PRE measure of association. This study investigates the effect of choice of measure on conclusions about the size of a disparity after controls. For illustrative purposes the study analyzes data on the awarding of sentence reductions to drug traffickers. After controls, blacks are found to be substantially less likely than whites to receive a reduction according to a type of non-PRE measure: an odds ratio derived from a logit model. But using the same data and model, PRE measures obtained from an ROC analysis indicate that, after controls, there is hardly any difference between the races in their likelihood of sentence reduction. Results illustrate the study's thesis: that the choice of measure can powerfully affect conclusions. The findings' implications—for policymakers and for researchers who conduct racial disparity studies—are discussed. 相似文献
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260.
通过分析安全主体在安全政治中的思维逻辑和行为方式,可以抽象出其所信奉的安全哲学。以当代中国的安全哲学为例,自改革开放以来,基于自身关于和平与发展是当今时代主题的战略判断,中国提出与之相匹配和呼应的新安全观,并且分为互信、互利、平等、协作的新安全观,以及共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观两个阶段。同时,中国所主张的新安全观与旧安全观在政治基础、安全结构、安全战略、争端因应、和平保障五个方面形成鲜明对比。以此为线索,当代中国安全哲学的具体内涵可以被理解和概括为一体安全、兼容安全和发展安全,倡导树立忧患意识与发扬斗争精神。当然,当代中国的安全哲学还面临包括启动成本、维持成本和机会成本在内的成本问题,包括不对称问题和道德风险问题在内的行动问题,以及包括安全感问题、实践转化及其效力问题和他者问题在内的竞争力问题等现实困境和理论困难,这也是当代中国的安全外交需要作答和完成的理论命题与实践课题。 相似文献