全文获取类型
收费全文 | 928篇 |
免费 | 53篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 58篇 |
工人农民 | 44篇 |
世界政治 | 58篇 |
外交国际关系 | 69篇 |
法律 | 389篇 |
中国政治 | 12篇 |
政治理论 | 339篇 |
综合类 | 12篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 25篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 31篇 |
2017年 | 36篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 26篇 |
2014年 | 39篇 |
2013年 | 128篇 |
2012年 | 36篇 |
2011年 | 35篇 |
2010年 | 28篇 |
2009年 | 28篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 26篇 |
2006年 | 41篇 |
2005年 | 38篇 |
2004年 | 29篇 |
2003年 | 39篇 |
2002年 | 34篇 |
2001年 | 21篇 |
2000年 | 16篇 |
1999年 | 14篇 |
1998年 | 16篇 |
1997年 | 19篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 8篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 8篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有981条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
141.
This paper sheds light on the political economy of local energypolitics both from a theoretical and an empirical perspective.First, a case study of a small town in Southern Germany(Schönau) is presented, where environmentalists have won thepolitical contest against the regional energy monopolist and havefounded an energy supply firm themselves. The different stagesof the political process are explained and analysed. Second, apolitical economy model is developed, where environmentalists anda monopolistic utility firm confront each other both on thepolitical and on the energy market. In the lobbying equilibriumthe probability of the environmentalists' winning the gamedepends on the monopoly rent and the perceived social costs ofenergy production. It is shown that it is optimal for themonopolist to reduce his output below the monopolistic output.Finally, the winning strategy in the Schönau case is discussedin the light of the theoretical results of the paper. 相似文献
142.
Patrick Fisher 《Society》2010,47(4):295-300
The 2008 presidential election suggests a significant realignment among voters entering the electorate, with younger voters
deviating considerably from older voters in their partisan preferences. Barack Obama won the vote of those under 30 years
old by a 66% to 32% margin and first time voters favored him by an overwhelming margin of 69–30%. The fact that the age gap
between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton during the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination contest was also among the largest
age gaps in American electoral history suggests that part of the age gap was undoubtedly due to the appeal of Obama with younger
Americans. Part of the age gap, however, was also due to the unpopularity of the George W. Bush administration. The strong
youth vote for Obama in 2008 was thus both pro-Obama and anti-Bush in nature. The huge age gap in 2008 suggests a split of
the electorate along generational lines and the long-term consequences of the age gap appear to overwhelmingly favor the Democratic
Party. George W. Bush’s unpopular and divisive presidency helped to make the youngest generation of American voters increasingly
Democratic in their vote preference. This suggests that if younger Americans follow other generations in keeping the same
partisan voting patterns throughout their life, the Democrats are potentially poised to make considerable gains in future
elections. 相似文献
143.
This study explores the influence of hierarchical position on both mediation satisfaction and uncertainty about the mediation. As parties involved in hierarchical conflict typically behave differently and have different perceptions and experiences, we think it is most likely that hierarchical position will affect the mediation process and its outcomes. In this article, we investigate the influence of hierarchical position on both uncertainty about the mediation and satisfaction with the mediation and its potential moderating role on the relationship between uncertainty and satisfaction. To test our hypotheses, we use data from fifty real mediation cases dealing with hierarchical labor conflicts in the Netherlands. As expected, uncertainty has a stronger negative effect on subordinates' satisfaction with the mediation than it does on the supervisors who were involved in mediation. Implications for mediation theory and practice are discussed. 相似文献
144.
145.
Patrick Hein 《East Asia》2010,27(3):289-311
It is argued that parliamentary legislation in Japan has become the almost exclusive playing field of the bureaucracy, who
acts on behalf of the executive, and party councils. Moreover bureaucrats bypass the legislative Diet process by making rules
themselves. This is problematic because it is the lawmakers who are directly held accountable by voters for the enacted legislation
risking to be eventually voted out of office. It is suggested that under the given circumstances of strict party discipline,
drafting of bills by the bureaucracy and endorsement by party councils, the formal majority rule alone is not sufficient to
justify legislative outcomes. The legitimacy factor is introduced to verify in how far individual lawmakers are enabled to
initiate and draft floor bills by themselves, discuss bill contents in plenary deliberations and get the public opinion involved.
The article attempts to demonstrate that bipartisan floor bills reflect the quest for parliamentary legitimacy and equality
among lawmakers across party boundaries. It is suggested that the more legislators participate in drafting and discussing
a bill the more legitimate the outcome becomes. The paper screens to this effect several bipartisan bills submitted to the
Diet of Japan. Bills such as the NPO law, the law to ratify the Rome Statute for the accession to the ICC, the law to prevent
suicide and the law to implement internet filters to protect children are the result of cooperation among lawmakers trying
to constrain the interference of the executive or of the powerful bureaucracy. The participation of non-parliamentary agents
taking an active part in the legislative process has enhanced the dynamics of representative democracy as well. In the decades
of radical ideological confrontation in the 1950s, 60s, and 70s the majority rule risked to become an instrument of coercion.
The opposition was compelled to resort to anti-parliamentary obstructionist tactics to derail majority legislation that was
rammed through parliament without sufficient plenary deliberation and without taking into account the concerns or viewpoints
of the minority. Obstructionism decreased with the LDP co-optation of opposition parties to government responsibility in the
1990s. Opposition for the sake of opposition (communists, DPJ until 2006) and governing for the sake of governing (SDPJ, Komei)
have not been honored by the voters. After 2007 the DPJ started to refocus its policies more on ideological differentiation
and managed to beat the LDP in the 2009 elections. Recently the work of the Diet has been increasingly put under the scrutiny
of international NGOs and legislatures abroad. The unresolved controversial comfort women issue suggests that omission to
pass appropriate and timely reconciliatory legislation can cause a serious loss of parliamentary institutional esteem and
respect. 相似文献
146.
East Asia - War reconciliation and cultures of memory themes continue to receive high attention but despite the long list of newly released books praising Germany which has been thought to be more... 相似文献
147.
148.
149.
Patrick Hudgell 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》1999,13(2):229-235
The development of e-commerce, the stability of networks, the drive for greater bandwidth and the voice/data convergence are areas affecting a wide range of computer professionals. The field is clouded by manufacturers hyping their own products and industry factions spin-doctoring new technologies. This research, involving 764 networking professionals from a spectrum of UK businesses provides a snapshot of the current situation. 相似文献
150.