IMPROVING EARLY‐GRADE LITERACY IN EAST AFRICA: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM KENYA AND UGANDA

Primary school enrollments have increased rapidly in sub‐Saharan Africa, spurring concerns about low levels of learning. We analyze field experiments in Kenya and Uganda that assessed whether the Reading to Learn intervention, implemented by the Aga Khan Foundation in both countries, improved early‐grade literacy as measured by common assessments. We find that Ugandan literacy (in Lango) increased by 0.2 standard deviations. We find a smaller effect (0.08) on a Swahili literacy test in Kenya. We find no evidence that differential effects are explained by baseline differences across countries in student test scores, classroom attributes, or implementation fidelity. A plausible explanation that cannot be directly tested is differential effective exposure to the literacy treatment in the tested languages. Students in Kenya were tested in Swahili, which is not necessarily the main language of instruction in primary schools, despite official policy.     

More reform in New Brunswick: rural municipalities?

Abstract. Local government in New Brunswick has experienced many changes during the last ten years. The major reforms implemented in 1967 (following the recommendations of the Byrne Commission) included the abolition of rural county government. As a result, approximately 250,000 of New Brunswick's residents were left without any local government structure. The lack of rural local government did not appear to be a major issue until recently. As of late, however, there has been increasing criticism on two fronts. First, residents of the non-incorporated areas have been voicing their discontent over the fact that they do not have elected local government. Secondly, the residents of the incorporated municipalities have complained that the non-incorporated areas were not being taxed enough and that they were benefiting from the facilities of the incorporated municipal units without paying their fair share of the costs (in essence, a free-rider problem). The result of such criticisms was the creation (in 1975) of the Task Force on Non-Incorporated Areas in New Brunswick, which recommended a new system of rural municipalities to be applied to all present non-incorporated areas of the province. While as yet legislation has not been introduced, the report of the Task Force has stirred up considerable debate. Sommaire. Le gouvernement local, au Nouveau-Brunswick, a subi de nombreux changements au cours des dix dernières années. Les principales réformes, effectuées en 1967 (à la suite des recommandations de la Commission Byrne), comportaient, entre autres, l'abolition des gouvernement des comtés ruraux, ce qui laissa quelque 250,000 résidents du Nouveau-Brunswick sans aucune structure gouvernementale locale. Ce manque de gouvernement rural local ne semble présenter de problème majeur que depuis peu. Maintenant, toutefois, les critiques se multiplient sur deux fronts. Tout d'abord, les résidents des regions non incorporées ont manifesté leur mécontentement de ne pas avoir de gouvernement local élu. Deuxièmement, les residents des municipalités incorporées se sont plaints de ce que les régions non incorporées ne soient pas suffisamment imposées et qu'elles profitent des installations des municipalités incorporées sans payer leur juste part des coǔts (essentiellement le problème des profiteurs). Ces critiques ont entraǐné la creation (en 1975) d'un groupe d'experts chargés d'érudier les régions non incorporées du Nouveau-Brunswick. Ce groupe recommenda un nouveau système de municipalités rurales, à appliquer à toutes les municipalités non incorporées à l'heure actuelle au Nouveau-Brunswick. Aucune législation n'a encore été adoptee, mais le rapport du groupe d'experts a suscité toutes sortes de débats.     

"Grab the Signatures and Run": Federal Unity Strategy in Canada from the Referendum to Patriation

Whether as a traumatic event or great accomplishment, the legacy of the First Ministers' Conference of 1981 lives on in Canadian politics. Constitutional negotiations among the prime minister and provincial premiers in 1981 produced the only "packaged" agreement since Confederation to achieve even the minimal support necessary to achieve ratification. The resulting Constitution Act of 1982, which included the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, remains in place and is the principal manifestation of intergovernmental bargaining from over two decades ago. This study reevaluates the strategic interaction and conflict processes that took place between Ottawa and the provinces in negotiations leading up to that fateful November 1981 conference. We apply the sociological framework for assessment of the dynamics of identity contention adopted from McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly (2001) and find tentative support for its propositions. After an overview of the article's agenda, we present an analytic framework for the study of conflict processes. Second, the background to the constitutional crisis of 1980-81 is summarized. Using the analytic framework, the third section focuses on the federal strategy in the crisis as suggested by minutes from cabinet meetings, and the fourth section examines key events of the First Ministers Conference of November 1981. Fifth, and finally, the contributions of the preceding sections are summed up and ideas are put forward for further research.